THE  STORY  OF  THE 

SANTA   FE 


GLENN  DANFOED  BRADLEY 


FRONTIERS  OF  AMERICA 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  SANTA  FE 
By  Glenn  D.  Bradley 

THE  GENTLE  PIONEERS 
By  R.  H.  Barnwell 

THE    AWAKENING   OF   THE 
DESERT.    By  Julius  C.  Birqe 

TENDERFOOT  DAYS 
By  George  R.  Bird 

OLD  SEATTLE 
By  George  R.  Bird 


RICHARD  G.  BADGER,  PUBLISHER,  BOSTON 


ALBKKT    ALONZO    ROBINSON 


THE  STORY  OF  THE 

SANTA   FE 


BY 
GLENN  DANFORD  BRADLEY 

Associate  Professor  of  History,  Toledo  University 


A  dissertation  submitted  to  the  Faculty  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Michigan  in  partial  fulfilment  of  the  require- 
ments for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy. 

In  presenting  this  manuscript  to  the  book  trade  the 
publisher  has  for  the  benefit  of  the  reading  public 
omitted  many  citations,  foot-notes,  and  some  quoted 
source  materials  such  as  commonly  characterize  a  study 
of  this  kind. 


BOSTON 

RICHARD  G.  BADGER 

THE  GORHAM  PRESS 


Copyright,  1920,  by  Richard  G.  Badger 


All  Rights  Reserved 


We  wish  to  acknowledge  the  courtesy  of  the  Editor 
of  The  Santa  Fe  Magazine  through  whose  kind  per- 
mission the  illustrations  in  this  book  are  used. 


Made  in  the  United  States  of  America 


The  Gorham  Press,  Boston,  U.  S.  A. 


/  I 


TO 

ALBERT  ALONZO   ROBINSON 

of  Topeka,  Kansas  (Michigan,  '69), 
Oct.  21,  1844— Nov.  7,  1918 

A  GREAT  ENGINEER,  A  GREAT  RAILROAD  BUILDER, 

A  MASTER  MAN  AND  WITHAL  A  TRUE-HEARTED 

GENTLEMAN   AND    DEVOTED    FRIEND— 

THIS   VOLUME    IS    HUMBLY 

DEDICATED 


3 


PREFACE 

The  Santa  Fe  Railroad  added  an  industrial  empire  to  the 
United  States.  It  has  been  mainly  responsible  for  the  colon- 
izing, development,  and  permanent  occupancy  of  the  greater 
portion  of  that  vast  region  included  within  the  present  limits 
of  Kansas,  Southern  Colorado,  Oklahoma,  Texas,  New 
Mexico,  Arizona,  and  much  of  California. 

As  is  perhaps  commonly  known,  the  Santa  Fe  System 
ranks  with  the  foremost  of  the  transcontinental  railroads, 
which  lines  have  made  possible  the  occupation  and  the  reten- 
tion of  the  entire  great  West.  For  without  the  efficient  and 
rapid  transportation  which  these  splendid  railways  have  pro- 
vided, it  is  hardly  conceivable  that  this  Union  of  States  as 
we  know  it  could  exist.  Situated  at  a  great  distance  from 
the  older  and  more  populous  regions  in  the  Missouri  and 
Mississippi  Valleys,  that  vast  area  beyond  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains, as  well  as  the  Pacific  Coast,  would  almost  inevitably 
have  drifted  away  from  the  Union  due  to  the  mere  force  of 
sectionalism  were  it  not  for  the  tremendous  cohesion  which 
our  Western  railways  have  exerted.  In  fact  it  is  not  unrea- 
sonable to  believe  that  the  Pacific  Coast  might  to-day  be  in 
the  hands  of  some  other  power  had  it  not  been  for  the  rapid 
development  of  American  railway  transportation. 

The  story  of  the  Santa  Fe  is  fraught  with  romance,  as  I 
trust  the  subsequent  pages  of  this  book  will  prove.  Follow- 
ing the  route  of  the  famous  old  Santa  Fe  trail,  this  railroad 
has  pushed  steadily  onward  until  to-day  it  is  one  of  the 
world's  greatest  railroad  systems.     And  the  Santa  Fe  is 

7 


8  Preface 

great  because  of  the  imagination  and  prophetic  foresight  of 
a  very  few  leaders.  In  fact  the  phenomenal  success  of  this 
corporation  is  directly  due  to  four  men :  Cyrus  K.  Holliday, 
the  projector  and  founder  of  the  enterprise;  William  B. 
Strong,  an  indomitable  and  far-sighted  leader;  Albert  A. 
Robinson,  one  of  the  greatest  civil  engineers  and  railroad 
builders  of  the  age;  and  Edward  P.  Ripley,  who  has  ably 
rounded  out  the  ambitions  of  his  predecessors,  who  has 
welded  the  Santa  Fe  properties  into  a  powerful  and  compact 
system,  and  who  is  now  one  of  the  leading  railway  executives 
of  the  country. 

Commencing  with  the  Santa  Fe  trail,  I  have  brought  this 
story  down  to  the  year  1887.  From  the  reader's  stand- 
point there  are  a  number  of  good  reasons  for  concluding  the 
narrative  in  1887.  It  was  in  this  year  that  the  Santa  Fe 
built  its  line  into  Chicago  and  thereby  became  a  transconti- 
nental system;  it  was  in  1887  that  the  passage  of  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Act  marked  a  new  era  in  railroad  his- 
tory; and  it  wag*  in  this  year  that  the  Santa  Fe  completed 
the  colonizing  of  its  land-grant.  In  fact  the  really  interest- 
ing and  romantic  history  of  the  road  ends  with  this  eventful 
date  when  the  system  attained  substantially  to  its  present 
size.  What  follows  after  1887  is  largely  a  study  in  corpora- 
tion finance  dealing  so  much  as  it  does  with  the  consolidation 
of  properties,  refunding  of  corporate  debts,  rate  problems, 
State  versus  Federal  control,  taxes,  etc.  Hence  my  reasons 
for  ending  this  story  with  the  year  1887. 

Securing  the  materials  and  writing  this  book  have  been 
no  easy  task.  My  special  thanks  are  due  to  Messrs.  Geo. 
Root  and  Wm.  Bacon  of  the  Kansas  Historical  Society,  to 
the  staff  of  the  Colorado  State  Library,  to  Mr.  Edward  L. 
Copeland,  Secretary-Treasurer,  and  Mr.  Wm.  E.  Bailey, 
General  Auditor,  respectively,  of  the  Santa  Fe  Railway  Co., 


Preface  9 

to  Mr.  John  E.  Frost,  former  Land  Commissioner,  and  to 
Mr.  Albert  A.  Robinson,  former  Vice  President  and  Chief 
Engineer  of  this  corporation,  to  Mr.  Chas.  Holliday,  son  of 
the  late  Cyrus  Holliday,  and  to  Professors  C.  H.  Van  Tyne 
and  J.  S.  Reeves  of  the  University  of  Michigan. 
Toledo,  Ohio. 


CONTENTS 

MM 

I.  The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail 17 

II.  Cyrus  K.  Holliday:  The  Man  with  a  Big  Idea    50 

III.  The  Beginnings  of  a  Great  Railroad     ...     72 

IV.  The  Railroad  Frontier 88 

V.  Colonizing  the  Prairies 107 

VI.    Into  the  Rocky  Mountains 139 

VII.  The  Opening  Struggle  for  the  Grand  Canon  .   162 

VIII.  The  Grand  Canon  War  Concluded    ....   177 

IX.    An  Outlet  to  the  Pacific 204 

X.    Vigorous  Expansion 227 

XI.    A  Dream  Fulfilled 256 

XII.    Source  Materials 272 

Index 281 


li 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

FACING 
PAGE 

Mr.  Albert  A.  Robinson Frontispiece 

Old  Santa  Fe 32 

Cyrus  K.  Holliday 54 

What  the  Early  Builders  Met  With 74 

The  First  Train  into  Santa  Fe,  Taken  at  Lowry,  New  Mexico       .  92 

Bridge  Over  Canon  Diabolo  in  Arizona 104 

First  General  Office  Building  Erected  by  the  Santa  Fe  .     .     .     .  118 

First  Round  House  Built  on  the  Santa  Fe,  Topeka 134 

California  Limited  Near  Cajon  Pass,  California 150 

Stage  Station  at  Canoncito,  New  Mexico 168 

Mt.  San  Bernardino  from  Smiley  Heights,  Redlands,  California  .  184 

Main  Bay,  Machine  and  Boiler  Shop,  Topeka,  Looking  North  .     .  200 

Round  House,  Needles,  California 216 

Showing  the  Development  of  the  Steam  Engine 232 

San  Angelo,  One  of  the  Many  Attractive  Stations  on  the  Santa  Fe  250 

General  Office,  Topeka,  Kansas 266 


13 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  SANTA  FE 


THE  STORY  OF  THE 
SANTA  FE 


CHAPTER  I 


THE   OU)    SANTA  FE   TRAIL 


AT  the  end  of  June,  1914,  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and 
Santa  Fe  Railway  Company  owned  or  controlled 
11,262  miles  of  railroad,  extending  with  numerous  branches 
and  feeder  lines  from  Chicago  to  San  Diego.  It  had  term- 
inals at  Denver,  at  El  Paso  on  the  Mexican  border,  and  at 
Galveston  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Extending  northward  to 
Los  Angeles  and  through  the  rich  valleys  of  California,  it 
had  reached  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco.  Here  its  great 
expansive  force  had  been  retarded  but  slightly ;  for  crossing 
the  Bay  it  had  plunged  into  a  wilderness,  and  in  cooperation 
with  the  Southern  Pacific  a  great  but  friendly  rival  had 
pushed  beyond  through  the  forests  of  Northern  California 
nearly  to  the  Oregon  boundary.  In  the  South  it  had  crossed 
Texas  three  times  and,  advancing  eastward  into  Louisiana, 
had  arrived  within  striking  distance  of  New  Orleans.  This 
Company,  which  represents  a  corporate  investment  of  over 
$632,000,000,  had  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1917,  a 
gross  income  of  over  $156,000,000;  for  the  preceding  year 
under  less  favorable  crop  conditions  its  income  was  in  excess 
of  $133,000,000. 

The  parent  line  of  this  great  railroad  was  preceded  more 

17 


18  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

than  fifty  years  by  a  wagon  road — the  old  Santa  Fe  trail. 
This  remarkable  highway,  the  forerunner  of  one  of  America's 
greatest  railway  systems,  played  a  vital  part  in  American 
expansion ;  for  it  opened  the  entire  Southwest  to  traders  and 
emigrants  from  the  Missouri  Valley  and  the  more  thickly 
settled  districts  farther  east.  It  was  along  the  Santa  Fe 
trail  that  General  Stephen  W.  Kearny's  army  marched  in 
1846  on  its  way  to  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico.  Famed 
as  an  early  trade  route  and  as  a  route  of  military  conquest, 
the  importance  of  the  Santa  Fe  trail  did  not  cease  with  the 
occupation  and  annexation  of  New  Mexico,  where  it  first 
terminated.  At  once  it  became  a  highway  of  colonization. 
After  the  Mexican  War  came  thousands  of  emigrant  wagons 
with  traders  and  land-hungry  settlers,  some  to  locate  in 
Colorado  and  New  Mexico;  others  to  push  on  through  the 
Gila  and  Mojave  deserts  to  Southern  California,  there  to 
help  rear  another  great  commonwealth.  And  finally  it  was 
the  railroad  of  which  this  book  will  tell  that  transformed 
the  trail  into  a  modern  steel  thoroughfare  that  serves  to 
bind  to  the  Mississippi  Valley  one  of  our  grandest  geographi- 
cal divisions,  the  great  Southwest. 

The  Santa  Fe  trail  crossed  the  Missouri  River  near  the 
present  site  of  Kansas  City  and  took  a  southwesterly  course 
through  Council  Grove,  Kansas,  to  the  Arkansas  River. 
Reaching  the  Arkansas  at  its  intersection  with  Walnut 
Creek,  near  the  present  town  of  Great  Bend,  the  trail  fol- 
lowed the  Big  Bend  of  the  river  west  and  southwest  for  one 
hundred  and  thirty-five  miles,  past  the  historic  Pawnee  Rock 
near  the  present  village  of  that  name,  past  the  site  of 
Larned  to  a  point  on  the  Arkansas  a  little  east  of  Dodge 
City,  where,  in  1864,  Fort  Dodge  was  erected.  Here  the 
road  forked.  One  branch  passed  south  and  west  directly 
across  the  plains  to  the  Cimarron  River,   ascended   that 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  19 

stream  for  some  distance,  and,  again  striking  across  the 
plains  in  the  same  general  direction,  led  past  the  Rabbit  Ear 
Mounds,  the  Santa  Clara  and  Moro  Creeks,  and  entered  New 
Mexico  at  Las  Vegas. 

The  other  fork,  which  was  more  commonly  followed,  con- 
tinued along  the  north  bank  of  the  Arkansas  to  Bent's  Fort, 
Colorado,  in  the  present  vicinity  of  La  Junta,  and  thence 
ran  southward  across  the  Purgatoire  River,1  over  the  Raton 
Mountains,  along  the  eastern  base  of  the  Taos  and  Santa 
Fe  ranges  and  rejoined  the  Cimarron  or  "Dry"  route  near 
Las  Vegas.  Continuing  still  south  and  west  the  Glorietas 
were  crossed  by  a  devious  route,  and,  because  of  the  moun- 
tainous country,  Santa  Fe  was  approached  from  the  south- 
east. The  entire  route  of  the  trail  from  Great  Bend  along 
the  Valley  of  the  Arkansas  through  Colorado  and  Northern 
New  Mexico  to  Santa  Fe  is  to-day  followed  with  consider- 
able exactness  by  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe 
Railroad. 

Until  1846  two  distinct  civilizations  existed  in  what  is 
now  Southern  United  States.  From  the  Atlantic  seaboard 
westward  through  Texas  the  American  occupation  had 
advanced  and  was  still  advancing.  Beyond  Texas  what  is 
now  our  Southwest  was  Mexican  territory  with  the  decadent 
civilization  of  Old  Spain.  The  great  commercial  center  of 
this  region,  then  Northern  Mexico,  was  Santa  Fe.  Between 
this  quaint  old  city  and  the  Missouri  River  lay  rugged 
mountains,  and  the  vast  prairies  some  six  hundred  miles  in 
width.  And  tins  "Great  American  Desert,"  as  it  was  long 
called,  had  proved  an  effectual  barrier  to  the  intermingling 
of  the  peoples  of  New  Mexico  with  those  of  the  United 
States. 

About  1536  the  Spanish  Explorer  Cabeca  de  Vaca  ap* 
4  Colloquially  called  both  "Purgatory"  and  "Picketiwire." 


20  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

pears  to  have  traversed  the  Arkansas  Valley,  following  the 
route  of  the  future  Santa  Fe  trail  into  New  Mexico  at  least 
to  Las  Vegas.  Then,  across  the  plains  of  what  now  is  Kan- 
sas, came  Vasquez  de  Coronado,  probably  in  1540-41,  in  his 
romantic  search  for  the  mythical  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola  and 
the  elusive  Kingdom  of  Quivera.  Likewise  it  appears  that 
into  this  same  region  came  Luis  de  Moscoso  who  succeeded 
to  the  command  of  Ferdinand  de  Soto's  ill-fated  expedition. 
These  adventures  were  probably  barren  of  direct  results,  yet 
they  won  for  their  leaders  the  honor  of  having  been  the  first 
Europeans  to  reach  the  heart  of  the  North  American  Conti- 
nent; and  the  fascinating  record  of  romantic  hardships 
which  these  fortune-seekers  left,  doubtless  incited  fresh  in- 
terest and  challenged  Spanish  courage  to  renewed  efforts  in 
the  years  that  followed. 

The  next  recorded  expedition  that  crossed  the  plains  by 
the  Santa  Fe  trail  route  was  a  caravan  of  some  fifteen  hun- 
dred Spaniards — men,  women,  and  children — which  set  out 
from  Santa  Fe  eastward  in  1716  to  found  a  military  colony 
in  the  Upper  Mississippi  Valley.  Their  purpose  was  to 
resist  further  encroachments  of  the  French  in  that  region, 
which  country  Spain  desired.  This  enterprise  came  to 
nought,  as  nearly  all  the  party  were  treacherously  massa- 
cred by  the  Missouri  Indians — a  tribe  that  has  long  since 
vanished — which  then  occupied  the  territory  of  what  now  is 
Eastern  Kansas. 

Aside  from  these  unfortunate  undertakings  it  appears 
that  no  white  men  attempted  to  cross  the  prairies  until  the 
nineteenth  century. 

Meanwhile,  Don  Juan  de  Onate  had  founded  the  city  of 
Santa  Fe  on  the  site  of  an  Ancient  Indian  Pueblo,2  in  July, 

'The  term  Pueblo  is  both  general  and  specific  in  its  application.  It 
may  mean  any  characteristic  Indian  town  of  adobe  dwellings  in  the 
Southwest.    In  the  plural  it  may  refer  to  a  collection  of  these  towns  or 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  81 

1598,  and  in  January  of  the  following  year  he  conquered  the 
native  inhabitants  of  New  Mexico.3  In  1599  the  provincial 
government  of  Mexico  sent  reinforcements  to  secure  the 
country ;  precious  metals  were  discovered  shortly  afterward, 
and  by  1640  New  Mexico  had  become  a  Spanish  Colony  of 
some  importance,  with  Santa  Fe — the  city  of  "holy  faith" — 
as  its  seat  of  government.  The  period  from  1600  to  1680  was 
in  general  characterized  by  Spanish  colonizing  effort  to- 
gether with  zealous  missionary  work  among  the  various 
Indian  tribes.  About  the  middle  of  the  17th  century  the 
Indians,  angered  by  this  over-energetic  missionary  zeal 
and  the  consequent  persecutions  inflicted  upon  them  by 
the  Spanish  priesthood,  began  a  series  of  revolts;  and  in 
1680  these  disorders  culminated  in  a  grand  outbreak  in  which 
nearly  all  Spaniards  were  killed  or  driven  from  New  Mexico. 
Priests,  who  were  the  special  object  of  Indian  hatred,  were 
murdered  indiscriminately  wherever  found.  For  twelve  years 
the  Pueblo  nations  were  the  virtual  masters  of  the  region. 
Churches,  monasteries,  the  Governor's  palace  and  the  official 
records  at  Santa  Fe — every  destructible  trace  of  Spanish 
occupation,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  was  obliterated.  Finally, 
after  some  abortive  attempts,  the  Spaniards  under  Don 
Diego  de  Vargas  gained  a  foothold  in  1692,  and  in  October 
of  the  following  year  entered  Santa  Fe  in  triumph,  making 
the  reconquest  of  New  Mexico  complete.  A  considerable 
number  of  Spanish  settlers  returned,  and  for  over  a  century 
New  Mexico,  under  Castilian  governors,  was  comparatively 
quiet  as  an  outlying  province  of  Mexico.  Save  for  occa- 
sional Indian  raids  there  were  no  wars. 

In  1796  a  census  taken  by  the  Franciscan  Fathers  showed 

it  may  designate  the  general  class  of  Indians  who  dwell  in  towns. 
Again,  it  is  the  name  borne  by  a  well  known  tribe  in  New  Mexico. 

*  Originally  called  La  Ciudad  de  la  Santa  Fe  de  San  Francisco— city 
of  the  Holy  Faith  of  St.  Francis. 


22  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

New  Mexico  to  have  a  white  population  of  14,167  with 
9,453  Indians;  only  the  civilized  Indian  towns  or  pueblos 
were  enumerated.  By  1805,  the  census,  as  reported  by 
Governor  Alencaster  on  November  20th  of  that  year,  showed 
a  population  of  20,626  Spaniards  and  8,172  Pueblo  Indians 
— a  total  of  28,798  exclusive  of  wild  tribes.  In  1821  Mexico 
established  her  independence,  and  for  twenty-five  years,  until 
the  American  occupation  of  1846,  New  Mexico  was  a  part 
of  the  turbulent  Mexican  Republic. 

Without  pausing  longer  to  deal  with  the  intrigues,  revolts 
and  Indian  troubles  that  complicate  its  history  during  the 
first  four  decades  of  the  19th  century,  it  should  be  observed 
that  New  Mexico  was  an  extreme  outpost  of  Mexican  au- 
thority lying  well  toward  the  American  frontier.  Since  this 
region,  which  was  mainly  devoted  to  agriculture,  grazing, 
and  mining,  had  for  many  years  received  its  merchandise 
by  the  tedious  trade  routes  from  the  Pacific  or  Gulf  ports 
through  Chihuahua  or  Durango,  it  only  remained  for  regular 
trade  to  be  established  directly  across  the  prairies  between 
New  Mexico  and  the  American  settlements  of  the  Missouri 
Valley  to  readjust  the  commercial  relations  of  all  Northern 
Mexico,  and  such  an  adjustment  was  eventually  to  remake 
the  map  of  North  America.  The  Santa  Fe  trail  had  its 
beginning  in  the  efforts  of  American  traders  to  reach  the 
city  of  Santa  Fe  by  the  overland  route.  The  problem  was 
to  get  merchandise  from  the  Missouri  border  into  this  Mex- 
ican trading  center,  and  since  liberal  profits  were  to  be 
realized  from  the  sale  of  goods  thus  transported,  strong 
inducements  for  attempting  the  journey  were  offered. 

For  nearly  a  century  after  the  disastrous  Spanish  expedi- 
tion of  1716  no  white  man  appears  to  have  crossed  the 
plains.  Finally,  in  1804,  a  frontier  merchant  named  Morri- 
son,   of   Kaskaskia,   Illinois,    sent    Baptiste   La   Lande,   a 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  %3 

French  Creole,  on  a  trading  trip  up  the  Platte  River,  with 
instructions  to  strike  southward  to  Santa  Fe  if  practicable. 
La  Lande  made  the  journey  safely,  and  he  was  followed  in 
1805  by  James  Pursley,4  an  American  trader.  It  is  under- 
stood that  these  men  reached  Santa  Fe  by  a  circuitous  route 
through  Southern  Nebraska  and  across  Colorado.  Both 
settled  in  the  Spanish  capital  and  did  not  return  to  the 
United  States.  La  Lande  is  said  to  have  set  up  in  business 
and  to  have  made  a  fortune  from  the  money  with  which  his 
obliging  employer  had  entrusted  him.  Pursley  was  content 
to  follow  the  carpenter's  trade,  in  which  vocation  he  like- 
wise prospered. 

In  July,  1806,  Lieutenant  Zebulon  M.  Pike  was  sent  on  a 
peace  mission  to  the  Kansas  and  Osage  tribes,  with  instruc- 
tions "to  ascertain  the  direction,  extent  and  navigation  of 
the  Arkansas  and  Red  Rivers."  After  holding  council  with 
the  Indians,  Pike  with  his  band  of  some  twenty  men  wandered 
into  Colorado,  where  they  discovered  and  reckoned  the  alti- 
tude of  the  lofty  peak  that  bears  Pike's  name.  Leaving  the 
head  waters  of  the  Arkansas,  they  moved  southward,  hoping 
to  find  the  sources  of  the  Red  River.  After  enduring  many 
hardships  the  party  came  to  the  Rio  Grande  in  Northern 
New  Mexico,  which  stream  they  wrongly  supposed  was  the 
Red.  Still  believing  themselves  within  United  States  terri- 
tory, they  erected  on  the  banks  of  the  stream  a  small  fort, 
where  they  decided  to  pass  the  remainder  of  the  winter. 
It  was  now  early  in  February,  1807,  and  in  the  spring  they 
planned  to  float  down  this  imagined  Red  River  along  the 
American  boundary  to  Natchitoches. 

But  since  their  barricade  was  well  within  the  limits  of 
Mexico,  Pike  and  his  men  were  visited,  late  in  February,  by 
a  greatly  superior  Spanish  force  whose  officers  induced  them 
4  Also  called  Purcell. 


24  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

haJf-unwillingly  to  go  to  Santa  Fe  on  the  pretext  that  Gov- 
ernor Alencaster  desired  to  see  them.  The  trip,  which  began 
on  the  26th,  was  made  without  incident,  the  capital  being 
reached  on  March  3rd.  Pike  describes  Santa  Fe  as  a  city 
a  mile  in  length  and  about  three  streets  wide,  built  on  a 
creek.  "Its  appearance  from  a  distance  struck  my  mind 
with  the  same  effect  as  a  fleet  of  flat  boats  which  are  seen 
in  the  spring  and  fall  seasons  descending  the  Ohio.  There 
are  two  churches,  the  magnificence  of  whose  steeples  forms  a 
striking  contrast  to  the  miserable  appearance  of  the  houses. 
On  the  north  side  of  the  town  is  the  square  of  soldiers'  houses 
equal  to  120  or  140  on  each  flank.  The  public  square  is  in 
the  center  of  the  town,  on  the  north  side  of  which  is  situated 
the  palace  or  Government  house,  with  the  quarters  for  the 
guards,  etc.  The  other  side  of  the  square  is  occupied  by  the 
clergy  and  public  offices.  In  general,  the  houses  have  a  shed 
before  the  front,  some  of  which  have  a  flooring  of  brick ;  the 
consequence  is  that  the  streets  are  very  narrow,  say  in  gen- 
eral 25  feet.     The  supposed  population  is  4,500." 

Although  courteously  received,  Pike  was  cross-examined 
by  the  Governor,  who  then  ordered  him  and  his  men  to  pro- 
ceed under  an  armed  escort  to  the  Commandant-General  in 
Chihuahua.  This  journey  far  into  Old  Mexico  began  on 
March  5th,  and  Chihuahua  was  reached  April  2nd.  En  route, 
Pike  was  much  impressed  by  the  sight  of  two  large  trading 
caravans,  laden  with  goods  for  New  Mexico.  In  Chihuahua 
the  Americans  were  detained  some  weeks,  but  during  this 
time  they  were  hospitably  entertained.  General  Salcedo,  the 
Commandant,  examined  Pike's  official  papers  and  requested 
him  to  write  a  short  account  of  his  travels,  presumably  to 
elucidate  Pike's  reports.  On  the  28th  of  April  the  party 
weie  sent  eastward  again  under  Spanish  escort  to  Natchi- 
toches, the  nearest  American  post.     The  long  and  tiresome 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  £5 

journey  across  Mexico  and  Texas  was  somewhat  relieved 
by  the  cordial  treatment  they  enjoyed  from  time  to  time 
by  Spanish  gentry  or  rancheros.  At  San  Antonio  they  were 
cordially  received  by  Don  Antonio  Cordero  and  Don  Simonde 
Herrara,  governors  of  Texas  and  Coahuila  and  of  the  King- 
dom of  New  Leon,5  respectively,  "whose  super-excellent  qual- 
ities would  require  the  pen  of  a  master  to  do  justice." 
Natchitoches  was  safely  reached  on  July  1st,  and  Pike's 
historic  expedition  had  ended. 

It  was  the  published  account  of  this  expedition,  the  details 
of  which  otherwise  would  be  of  no  importance  here,  that  gave 
the  initial  impulse  to  the  trade  movement  over  the  Santa  Fe 
trail.  This  document  has  been  of  singular  importance.  It 
revealed  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  on  unquestion- 
able authority,  the  remarkable  commercial  opportunities  to 
be  had  in  far-off  New  Mexico  and  beyond.  It  excited  the 
cupidity  of  the  American  frontier  traders ;  ere  long  a  definite 
line  of  communication  was  established  between  Santa  Fe 
and  the  Missouri  border  towns.  And  this  commercial  inva- 
sion was  a  long  step  toward  the  military  occupation  and 
permanent  acquisition  of  this  territory  by  the  United  States, 
forty  years  later. 

In  passing,  it  may  be  well  to  note  briefly  some  of  the  more 
conspicuous  pioneer  efforts  in  the  Santa  Fe  trade.  In  the 
year  1812  a  small  caravan  in  charge  of  about  a  dozen  men 
was  equipped  under  the  direction  of  Messrs.  McKnight, 
Beard  and  Chambers.  Following  Pike's  directions,  this 
party  finally  reached  Santa  Fe,  only  to  meet  serious  trouble. 
It  happened  that  two  years  before,  a  patriotic  chief,  Hidalgo, 
had  revolted  and  declared  Mexico  independent  of  Spain. 
This  outbreak  failed;  Hidalgo  was  executed  in  1811,  and 
the  Spanish  royalists  at  once  became  intensely  suspicious  of 
5  Old  Mexican  provinces  under  the  Spanish  regime. 


26  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

all  strangers  or  foreigners.  McKnight,  Beard,  Chambers, 
and  party,  doubtless  ignorant  of  this  state  of  affairs,  were  at 
once  seized  as  spies  on  arriving  at  the  capital.  Their  goods 
were  confiscated,  and  the  unfortunate  traders  were  then  hur- 
ried to  Chihuahua  and  thrust  into  prison.  Here  they  were 
confined  for  nine  years,  until  Iturbide  finally  established  the 
independence  of  Mexico  in  1821.  Returning  to  the  United 
States,  these  men,  so  impressed  were  they  with  the  business 
prospects  in  New  Mexico,  at  once  began  to  fit  out  a  new 
expedition. 

Likewise  in  1812  a  Captain  Becknell  with  only  four  com- 
panions made  a  successful  trip  to  Santa  Fe,  where  they  sold 
their  goods  at  a  large  profit.  For  some  reason  or  other  the 
Spaniards  did  not  molest  this  party.  Leaving  his  men  in 
Santa  Fe,  Becknell  returned  to  Missouri  with  glowing  re- 
ports of  the  trading  prospects  he  had  found.  Since  up  to 
this  time,  as  we  have  seen,  New  Mexico  had  been  receiving 
all  her  goods  by  the  enormously  expensive  caravan  routes 
from  the  distant  southern  provinces ;  and  since  common  cali- 
coes sold  in  Santa  Fe  for  two  and  three  dollars  a  vara  (a 
Spanish  yard  of  33  inches),  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  that 
thrifty  American  merchants  began  to  take  keen  interest  in 
the  overland  trade. 

Following  Becknell's  return,  a  Colonel  Cooper  with  a  band 
of  about  fifteen  men  made  a  trip  to  Taos  with  several  thou- 
sand dollars'  worth  of  merchandise.  About  a  month  after 
Cooper's  party  had  left,  Becknell  started  on  his  second  trip, 
this  time  with  some  thirty  men  and  a  five  thousand  dollar 
assortment  of  goods.  On  reaching  the  "Caches"  on  the 
upper  Arkansas  not  far  from  Dodge  City,  Becknell  con- 
ceived the  bold  plan  of  avoiding  the  longer  route  through 
Colorado  and  striking  directly  across  country  to  Santa  Fe. 
While,  as  has  been  mentioned,  this  Cimarron  or  Dry  Route 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  27 

later  came  to  be  used  considerably,  its  course,  though  direct, 
was  then  unknown.  Finally,  after  two  days'  march,  the 
prairie  travelers  nearly  died  of  thirst  before  reaching  the 
Cimarron  River.  They  were  glad  to  retrace  their  steps  to 
the  Arkansas,  whence  they  proceeded  with  more  caution  to 
Taos,  whither  they  were  glad  to  divert  their  journey  to  avoid 
further  risk  and  delay.  While  these  overland  traders  suffered 
many  hardships,  the  topography  of  the  route  soon  became 
so  well  known  that  little  difficulty  was  afterwards  ex- 
perienced through  lack  of  water. 

In  1822,  Beard  and  Chambers,  having  returned  to  the 
United  States,  persuaded  some  St.  Louis  capitalists  to  fi- 
nance a  new  expedition  of  moderate  size.  As  the  season  was 
now  far  advanced  it  was  unsafe  to  attempt  the  trip  before 
the  following  spring;  but  undismayed,  and  lured  on  by  the 
hope  of  large  profits,  the  little  party  set  forth.  Overtaken  by 
a  big  snowstorm  while  on  the  Arkansas  in  Southwest  Kan- 
sas, they  were  obliged  to  take  shelter  on  an  island  in  the  river. 
Here,  because  of  a  violent  winter,  they  were  compelled  to 
remain  three  months,  during  which  interval  most  of  their 
pack-animals  perished.  With  the  opening  of  spring  they 
resolved  to  cache  their  goods,  go  on  to  Taos  for  fresh  mules 
and  return  for  their  property.  This  plan  was  actually 
carried  out  and  a  financial  disaster  was  thus  averted. 

The  cache®  though  first  used  by  the  Canadian  French 
traders  and  trappers,  was  occasionally  resorted  to  along  the 
Santa  Fe  trail.  A  cache  was  made  by  digging  a  large  hole 
shaped  much  like  a  cistern.  The  earthen  walls  were  then 
lined  with  sticks  or  dry  grass  to  protect  the  contents  of  the 
pit  from  dampness.  Here  goods  were  concealed,  the  open- 
ing was  closed  so  as  to  shed  rain,  and  this  improvised  store- 
house proved  quite  satisfactory.     To  guard  against  damage 

'Cache  means  in  Spanish  a  place  of  concealment. 


88  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

from  floods  the  cache  was  usually  located  on  a  slight  eleva- 
tion. Lest  thieving  Indians  might  be  attracted  to  the  spot, 
the  plainsmen  used  much  skill  in  concealing  its  whereabouts. 
To  that  end,  the  loose  earth  taken  from  the  hole  was  always 
removed  some  distance,  and  if  a  stream  were  near,  it  was 
thrown  into  the  water.  The  opening  of  the  pit  would  then 
be  carefully  sodded.  If  no  green  turf  were  to  be  had,  a  camp- 
fire  would  be  built  upon  the  site  or  animals  penned  over  it 
so  as  to  remove  all  signs  of  the  hidden  storehouse. 

A  history  of  the  Santa  Fe  trail  really  divides  itself  into 
three  parts:  (1)  the  pack-mule  period,  1812-1824;  (2)  the 
ox-wagon  period,  1824-1848;  and  (3)  the  stage-coach 
period,  1848-1872.  Prior  to  1822,  expeditions  over  the 
trail  were  relatively  small  and  individual  enterprises.  It  was 
not  until  caravans  began  to  make  the  trip  in  1822  that  the 
real  Santa  Fe  trade  began. 

The  mule-train  so  long  employed  in  Latin- American  coun- 
tries was  a  picturesque  means  of  transportation.  Ameri- 
cans often  carried  goods  on  mule-back  during  the  early  de- 
cades of  the  last  century,  yet  the  mule-train  in  the  South- 
west was  of  Spanish  or  Mexican  origin.  The  pack  train 
was  called  an  at  a  jo  in  Spanish;  the  pack  mule  was  the 
mule  de  carga.  In  starting,  the  saddle  or  aparejo,  which 
was  a  large  pad  of  leather  nearly  square  and  stuffed  with 
hay,  was  thrown  over  the  animal's  back.  Under  this  aparejo 
had  been  placed  a  sheepskin  or  salea  to  prevent  chafing ;  and 
over  the  salea  was  a  saddle  cloth  or  xerga,  usually  of  some 
bright  color,  which  covered  the  back  and  extended  half  way 
down  the  sides.  To  prevent  its  slipping  the  aparejo  was 
lashed  very  tightly  to  the  mule;  and  to  render  it  still  more 
secure,  this  saddle  was  equipped  with  a  large  crupper.  The 
carga,  if  a  single  package,  was  laid  across  the  aparejo;  but 
if  the  load  comprised  two  packages  they  were  placed  length- 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  29 

wise  side  by  side  and  being  coupled  with  a  cord  were  bound 
upon  the  pack  saddle  with  a  long  rope  of  sea  grass  or  raw- 
hide which  was  tightly  entwined  about  the  packages.  The 
carga  was  then  covered  with  a  storm  cloth  for  protection 
against  bad  weather.  The  load  of  a  mule  de  carga  was  about 
three  hundred  pounds.  The  caravan  or  atajo  numbered  from 
fifty  to  two  hundred  mules  and  made  from  twelve  to  fifteen 
miles  during  a  day's  journey,  which  lasted  five  or  six  hours 
and  was  made  without  stopping.  Since  a  mule  will  generally 
lie  down  when  tired,  and  in  such  a  case  it  was  difficult  or 
impossible  to  get  a  loaded  mule  onto  its  feet,  no  rest  was 
attempted  until  the  jornado  or  day's  journey  was  completed. 
While  on  the  move,  the  arrieros  or  muleteers  were  busy  keep- 
ing the  aparejos — which  were  always  slipping — in  place. 
About  six  drivers  were  required  for  each  fifty  mules.  Mexi- 
can arrieros  were  paid  from  two  to  five  dollars  per  month,  to- 
gether with  rations  consisting  of  corn  and  frijoles,  native 
beans.  While  en  route,  the  cook  led  the  procession  with  the 
mulera  or  bell-mare.  At  night,  the  animals  were  turned  loose 
to  browse  in  charge  of  a  watchman  called  the  savanero.  The 
tinkling  bell  worn  by  the  mulera  kept  the  animals  from  stray- 
ing and  because  of  their  strange  attachment  for  the  bell- 
mare,  tethers  and  hopples  were  quite  unnecessary,  provided 
hostile  Indians  were  not  prowling  about.  Such  was  the 
Mexican  pack  train.  And  while  Americans  may  have  made 
some  slight  modifications,  it  was  after  this  general  fashion 
that  the  commerce  of  the  Southwest  was  transported  down 
to  1824.  The  mule-train  is  still  common  in  Latin  America. 
That  same  year,  the  first  really  large  caravan  in  charge 
of  about  eighty  Missourians,  some  of  them  men  of  promi- 
nence, set  out  for  Santa  Fe  with  a  shipment  valued  at  more 
than  $25,000.00.  While  certain  members  of  this  expedition 
employed  pack  mules,   twenty-five   vehicles,   together  with 


30  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

road-wagons,  carts  and  carriages,  were  included  in  the  out- 
fit. The  trip  was  a  commercial  success,  and  it  demonstrated 
the  practicability  of  using  wagons  in  the  trade.  While  sev- 
eral 3'ears  elapsed  before  wealthy  men  invested  heavily,  this 
experiment  of  1824  marked  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  the 
trail.  Whereas,  down  to  this  time  the  trade  had  been  char- 
acterized by  individual  enterprises,  by  small  merchants  who 
bought  goods  and  transported  them  independently,  the 
second  period  witnessed  the  growth  of  soundly  organized 
companies  that  sent  out  long  wagon  trains  and  did  business 
as  common  carriers.  And  until  the  coming  of  the  railroads 
fifty  years  later,  New  Mexico  was  to  receive  her  merchandise 
through  this  means  of  transportation.  During  the  period 
1824-1848  the  overland  trade  passed  from  isolated  random 
enterprise  into  a  capitalistic  business.  This  was  due  to  nat- 
ural causes.  By  1824  the  Mexican  Government,  encour- 
aged by  the  prospect  of  big  tariff  revenues  from  the  overland 
wagons,  assumed  a  half  friendly  attitude.  Traders  could 
now  enter  New  Mexico  without  fear  of  being  arrested  as  spies 
or  smugglers.  With  this  restraint  taken  away,  capital  was 
naturally  attracted  to  the  enterprise  by  the  profits  which 
it  offered.  And  finally,  it  is  the  inevitable  tendency  of  the 
transportation  business  to  grow  larger. 

By  1824  the  importance  of  the  Santa  Fe  trade  was  such 
as  to  attract  the  attention  of  Congress.  In  January,  1825, 
Senator  T.  H.  Benton  introduced  a  bill  into  the  Senate 
authorizing  the  President  to  appoint  a  commission  to  survey 
the  route  from  the  Missouri  River  to  the  boundary  line  of 
New  Mexico,  whence  in  conjunction  with  the  Mexican  Gov- 
ernment the  road  was  to  be  extended  to  Santa  Fe.  Signing 
this  bill  was  one  of  the  last  official  acts  of  President  James 
Monroe,  and  his  successor,  John  Quincy  Adams,  attempted 
in  good  faith  to  carry  the  bill  into  effect.    August  10,  1825, 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  31 

Messrs.  Reeves,  Sibley  and  Mathers,  who  were  commissioned 
by  the  President  to  lay  out  the  trail,  met  with  some  bands 
of  Osages  and  concluded  a  treaty  whereby  these  Indians 
agreed  to  allow  citizens  of  the  United  States  and  Mexico  to 
pass  through  their  domains  unmolested  in  the  pursuit  of 
trade.  Before  the  end  of  the  year  an  expedition  under 
Major  Sibley  had  commenced  marking  the  route,  which  work 
though  never  completed  was  pursued  intermittently  for  three 
years.  The  Government,  however,  failed  to  effect  an  under- 
standing with  the  Comanches,  Kiowas,  Cheyennes,  and 
Pawnees  far  out  on  the  plains,  and  these  warlike  tribes  soon 
began  to  make  raids  upon  the  prairie  commerce.  Yet  the 
business  went  on  and  the  traders  continued  to  follow  the  trail 
through  the  Arkansas  Valley,  relying  upon  their  own  weap- 
ons and  the  scanty  protection  of  a  detachment  of  troops. 

In  1829  the  Indians  had  become  so  serious  a  menace  that 
the  Federal  Government,  on  petition  from  the  traders,  de- 
tailed three  companies  of  infantry  and  one  of  riflemen  under 
Major  Bennett  Riley  to  escort  the  big  annual  caravan  from 
Franklin,  Missouri,  to  Choteau's  Island  on  the  Mexican 
border.  This  was  well  and  good,  but  there  was  never  any 
guarantee  that  Mexico  would  police  her  end  of  the  trail,  and 
so  there  was  always  risk.  Besides,  a  few  companies  of 
troops  could  do  little  more  than  protect  wagon  trains  im- 
mediately under  their  care.  So  swift  and  sudden  were  Indian 
attacks  that  the  smaller  caravans  were  always  in  danger 
while  passing  through  hostile  Indian  country.  The  history 
of  the  Santa  Fe  trail  abounds  with  stories  of  Indian  raids, 
pillage  and  bloodshed.  This  was  probably  inevitable.  The 
fierce  prairie  tribes  naturally  resented  the  intrusion  into 
their  country  by  the  great  caravans.  And  again,  the  wanton 
crimes  which  reckless  white  men  frequently  committed  upon 
the  natives  often  incited  much  trouble  and  cruel  revenge. 


88  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

White  traders  often  inflicted  shameful  outrages  upon  peace- 
ably disposed  Indians. 

For  some  years  the  eastern  headquarters  and  outfitting 
place  for  the  Santa  Fe  traders  was  Franklin,  Missouri,  a 
small  town  on  the  Missouri  River  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  miles  west  of  St.  Louis.  In  1819  steamboats  began 
to  navigate  the  river  and  as  the  overland  trade  grew,  it  soon 
became  the  policy  to  ship  goods  and  supplies  by  water  as 
far  west  as  possible.  In  1827  trading  posts  had  sprung  up 
at  Blue  Mills,  Fort  Osage,  and  Independence,  all  near  the 
present  site  of  Kansas  City.  This  change  eliminated  more 
than  one  hundred  miles  of  teaming  over  bad  roads.  For 
several  years  Blue  Mills  was  the  common  landing  place 
where  goods  were  transferred  from  boats  to  wagons.  But 
since  Independence  was  the  county-seat  and  the  largest  town 
in  the  locality,  it  gradually  assumed  the  terminal  business, 
and  by  1832  had  become  recognized  as  the  actual  head- 
quarters for  the  Santa  Fe  trade.  Here  assembled  large 
numbers  of  traders,  trappers,  teamsters,  wagon-bosses,  half- 
breeds — frontiersmen  of  all  descriptions.  Into  this  strange 
community  also  there  came  from  the  East  persons  broken 
in  health  as  well  as  fortune  who  sought  to  recuperate  health 
and  purse  in  an  adventure  across  the  plains. 

Articles  intended  for  the  Santa  Fe  trade  were  purchased 
in  St.  Louis  and  consigned  by  steamer  to  Aull  and  Company 
of  Independence,  who  usually  fitted  out  the  traders  with 
goods,  provisions,  or  draft  animals  as  the  case  demanded. 
The  bacon  and  beef  required  to  supply  the  caravans  were 
furnished  by  the  neighboring  farmers,  who  killed  and  cured 
their  meat,  hauled  it  to  town  and  sold  it.  These  farmers  also 
had  their  wheat  ground  at  local  mills  whereupon  they  found 
an  excellent  market  for  their  flour  as  well  as  beans,  corn  and 
all  staple  provisions.     Those  were  flush  times  for  the  mer- 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  83 

chants  and  farmers  of  that  section.  Not  only  was  there  an 
excessive  demand  for  goods  and  foodstuffs;  but  mules  and 
oxen  were  also  desired  at  fancy  prices.  During  the  Thirties 
and  early  Forties,  Independence  was  the  best  market  for 
cattle,  mules,  and  wagons  west  of  St.  Louis.  Thousands  of 
merchandise  wagons,  each  drawn  by  from  eight  to  twelve 
mules,  or  the  same  number  of  oxen,  were  leaving  the  town 
annually.  Several  thousand  teamsters  and  packers  made 
their  headquarters  there.  While  on  duty  these  men  received 
from  $25.00  to  $50.00  per  month  and  rations.  They  had 
no  guarantee  of  safety  other  than  was  furnished  by  their  own 
fighting  strength.  There  were  no  employers'  liability  laws 
in  those  days. 

The  price  charged  for  hauling  freight  to  Santa  Fe  was 
from  ten  to  twelve  dollars  per  hundred  pounds.  After  the 
business  was  well  organized  each  wagon  averaged  about 
$500.00  per  trip,  which  lasted  from  eighty  to  ninety  days. 
Some  of  the  faster  caravans  made  the  journey  in  even  better 
time.  Horses  were  used  to  haul  the  wagons  at  first,  but 
mules  were  soon  found  to  be  more  desirable.  They  were 
hardier  and  they  subsisted  more  easily.  Oxen  were  also  in 
general  use,  having  first  been  employed  by  Major  Riley  to 
haul  the  baggage  wagons  of  the  escort  he  furnished  in  1829. 
Oxen  would  pull  heavier  loads  than  the  same  number  of 
mules,  especially  through  sand  or  mud,  yet  they  lacked  the 
endurance  and  were  more  tender-footed  than  mules.  Oxen 
were  usually  in  wretched  condition  when  they  reached  Santa 
Fe  where  they  were  sometimes  sold  for  ten  dollars  a  pair. 
Yet  because  they  were  cheaper  to  buy  and  fairly  reliable, 
about  half  of  the  Santa  Fe  trade  in  the  early  Forties  was 
hauled  by  oxen.  Except  in  the  beginning,  horses  were  little 
used  save  as  riding  mounts  for  reconnoitering  and  hunting 
game. 


34  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

The  caravans  generally  left  Independence  in  May.  The 
goods  were  skillfully  loaded  and  covered  with  so  much  care 
that  they  arrived  at  their  destination  after  850  miles  of 
travel  in  excellent  condition.  While  on  the  trip,  each  man's 
supplies  comprised  about  fifty  pounds  of  flour,  the  same 
quantity  of  bacon,  ten  pounds  of  coffee,  twenty  of  sugar,  and 
a  little  salt.  Beans  and  crackers,  though  desirable  were 
regarded  as  dispensable  luxuries.  When  well  beyond  the 
frontier,  numerous  herds  of  buffalo  provided  a  fairly  certain 
supply  of  fresh  meat. 

The  traders  often  journeyed  in  scattered  parties  to  Coun- 
cil Grove,  a  beautiful  little  tract  of  hardwood  timber  well- 
watered  on  a  branch  of  the  Neosho  River,  about  150  miles 
out.  This  portion  of  the  trip  lying  close  to  the  American 
settlements  was  comparatively  free  from  Indian  incursions, 
hence  military  precautions  were  quite  unnecessary  here. 
While  assembling  at  Council  Grove  a  supply  of  timber  for 
wagon  repairs  was  secured.  As  soon  as  all  the  wagons  had 
reached  the  Grove,  the  caravan  organized  for  the  serious 
journey  through  the  Indian  country.  A  meeting  was  called 
in  which  a  "Captain  of  the  Caravan"  was  chosen  and  various 
regulations  for  the  trip  agreed  upon.  The  "Captain,"  though 
a  nominal  leader,  had  no  real  authority.  His  orders  were 
regarded  only  as  requests  which  might  or  might  not  be 
obeyed.  He  was  always  expected  at  least  to  designate  a 
camping  place  for  the  night.  Otherwise,  the  organization 
was  fairly  effective.  The  "proprietors"  were  notified  to  fur- 
nish a  list  of  their  men  and  wagons,  which  were  divided,  if  the 
train  was  large,  into  four  divisions.  Over  each  of  these  divi- 
sions was  a  "lieutenant,"  whose  duty  it  was  to  inspect  every 
ravine  and  creek  along  the  route,  select  the  best  crossings  and 
superintend  the  "forming"  of  each  encampment. 

When  about  to  start,  a  roll  was  called  and  a  list  made  of 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  35 

those  eligible  for  guard  duty.  Everybody,  teamsters,  trad- 
ers, wagon-bosses,  tourists  and  hangers-on,  all  except  inva- 
lids or  persons  otherwise  incapacitated,  had  to  take  turns 
at  guarding  the  train  at  night.  This  was  not  always  pleas- 
ant as  the  prairie  sentinel  must  stay  at  his  post  and  watch 
for  lurking  Indians  regardless  of  the  weather.  Usually  there 
were  eight  watches,  each  standing  one  fourth  of  every  alter- 
nate night.  If  the  party  were  exceptionally  large  the  "Cap- 
tain" would  appoint  eight  "sergeants  of  the  guard,"  each 
of  whom  took  an  equal  number  of  men  under  his  command. 
In  case  the  band  was  small,  each  watchman  might  be  com- 
pelled to  stay  on  duty  half  the  night. 

The  personnel  of  the  average  wagon  train  was  diverse. 
People  of  numerous  classes,  the  well-dressed  city  merchant, 
the  backwoodsman  with  his  leather  hunting  clothes,  the 
farmer  in  blue  jeans,  the  teamster  in  his  flannel  shirt — all 
these  and  other  types  were  to  be  seen.  Firearms  of  every 
description  were  carried. 

It  was  customary  to  break  camp  and  begin  each  day's 
journey  after  an  early  breakfast.  As  the  time  for  starting 
drew  near,  the  captain  shouted,  'Catch  up!  catch  up!"  and 
this  was  repeated  throughout  the  camp. 

On  such  occasions  a  scene  of  confusion  ensues  which  must  be 
seen  to  be  appreciated.  The  woods  and  dales  resound  with  the 
gleeful  yells  of  the  light-hearted  wagoners,  who,  weary  of  in- 
action, and  filled  with  joy  at  the  prospect  of  getting  under  way, 
become  clamorous  in  the  extreme.  Scarcely  does  the  jockey  on 
the  race  course  ply  his  whip  more  promptly  at  that  magic  word 
"Go!"  than  do  these  emulous  wagoners  fly  to  harnessing  their 
mules  at  the  spirit-stirring  sound  of  "Catch  Up!"  Each  team- 
ster vies  with  his  fellows  who  shall  be  soonest  ready,  and  it  is  a 
matter  of  boastful  pride  to  be  the  first  to  cry  out,  "All's  set !" 

The  uproarious  bustle  which  follows — the  hallooing  of  those 
in  pursuit  of  animals — the  exclamations  which  the  unruly  brutes 


36  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

call  forth  from  their  wrathful  drivers;  together  with  the  clatter 
of  bells — the  rattle  of  yokes  and  harness — the  jingle  of  chains — 
all  conspire  to  produce  a  clamorous  confusion,  which  would  be 
altogether  incomprehensible  without  the  assistance  of  the  eyes; 
while  these  alone  would  hardly  suffice  to  unravel  the  labyrinthian 
maneuvers  and  hurly-burly  of  this  precipitate  breaking  up.  It 
is  sometimes  amusing  to  observe  the  athletic  wagoner  hurrying  an 
animal  to  its  post — to  see  him  "heave  upon"  the  halter  of  a  stub- 
born mule,  while  the  brute  as  obstinately  "sets  back,"  determined 
not  to  move  a  peg  till  his  own  good  pleasure  thinks  it  proper  to 
do  so — his  whole  manner  seeming  to  say,  "Wait  till  your  Hurry's 
over!"  I  have  more  than  once  seen  a  driver  hitch  a  harnessed 
animal  to  the  halter,  and  by  that  process  haul  "his  mulishness" 
forward,  while  each  of  his  four  projected  feet  would  leave  a 
furrow  behind;  until  at  last  the  perplexed  master  would  wrath- 
fully  exclaim,  "A  mule  will  be  a  mule  anyway  you  can  fix  it!" 
"All's  set!"  is  finally  heard  from  some  teamsters — "All's  set" 
is  directly  responded  from  every  quarter.  "Stretch  out,"  imme- 
diately commands  the  captain.  Then,  the  "heps !"  of  the  drivers, 
the  cracking  of  whips,  the  trampling  of  feet — the  occasional  creak 
of  wheels,  the  rumbling  of  wagons — form  a  new  scene  of  ex- 
quisite confusion,  which  I  shall  not  attempt  further  to  describe. 
"Fall  in !"  is  heard  from  head-quarters,  and  the  wagons  are 
forthwith  strung  out  upon  the  long  inclined  plain,  which  stretches 
to  the  height  beyond  Council  Grove.7 

After  this  fashion  the  caravan  proceeded  day  after  day 
and  week  after  week  across  the  "Prairie  Ocean,"  until  distant 
Santa  Fe  was  reached.  At  night  it  was  customary  to  camp 
whenever  possible  by  a  stream  and  near  timber.  The  stream 
if  found  was  always  forded  before  going  into  camp,  and  for 
two  reasons.  A  sudden  rain  in  the  night  might  raise  the 
water  and  make  the  crossing  difficult  and  dangerous.8  Again, 

'Gregg,  Commerce  of  the  Prairies,  I,  50-52. 

•Prairie  streams  are  flighty,  especially  in  spring  and  mid-summer 
because  of  the  frequent  heavy  thunder  storms  with  a  deluge  of  rain. 
These  streams  often  overflow  their  banks  without  warning. 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  37 

the  teams  always  "pulled  better"  when  "warmed  up"  at  the 
close  of  a  day's  journey  than  in  the  morning  when  in  "cold 
collars." 

Much  sport  was  had  killing  buffaloes ;  and  as  the  hungry 
wayfarers  had  lived  perhaps  for  weeks  on  coffee,  salt  meat 
and  flap-jacks,  juicy  buffalo  roasts  were  keenly  relished. 
Since  the  roving  herds  were  not  always  found  when  desired, 
much  of  the  fresh  meat  was  cut  into  thin  slices  and  dried  in 
the  sun  for  future  use.  If  buffaloes  were  plentiful  and  the 
weather  damp  and  cloudy,  the  meat  was  "jerked,"  or  slight- 
ly barbecued,  by  placing  upon  a  scaffold  over  a  fire. 

Each  caravan  had  its  series  of  adventures,  of  scares  and 
near-scares,  pathetic  and  ludicrous.  Frequently  at  night 
an  amateur  guardsman  would  set  the  camp  in  an  uproar  by 
a  false  alarm  of  "Indians !"  Cases  have  been  known  where 
a  poor  browsing  mule  was  shot  for  a  prowling  Indian  by  an 
over-excitable  sentry.  A  howling  wolf  might  stampede  the 
oxen.  An  Indian  raid  might  drive  off  the  draft  animals, 
leaving  the  party  stranded  and  well-nigh  helpless.  And 
again,  murderous  attacks  by  Indian  warriors  might  and 
did  occur,  especially  upon  the  smaller  trains.  Many  were 
the  tragedies  that  took  place  along  the  old  Santa  Fe  trail. 

While  traveling  without  military  protection  through 
Indian  country,  and  especially  when  the  presence  of  savages 
was  suspected,  the  caravans  usually  moved  in  compact  for- 
mation, three  or  four  wagons  abreast.  This  was  of  course 
to  facilitate  a  consolidation  of  forces  for  defense  in  case 
of  attack.  Sometimes  the  larger  caravans  would  be  met  at 
the  border  by  a  company  of  Mexican  soldiers  sent  out  to 
escort  the  traders  to  the  capital.  If  thus  accompanied  by 
soldiers,9  whether  in  American  or  Mexican  territory,  the 

'Indians  rarely  attacked  a  formidable  body  of  soldiers.  Their  aver- 
sion to  taking  chances  in  warfare  was  of  course  proverbial. 


38  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

wagoners  were  likely  to  abandon  much  of  their  organiza- 
tion and  proceed  in  a  carefree  manner. 

When  about  one  hundred  miles  from  Santa  Fe,  a  small 
party,  usually  the  merchant  proprietors,  would  ride  ahead 
to  arrange  with  the  customs  house  officials  and  local  mer- 
chants for  the  disposal  of  the  goods.  This  done,  the  arrival 
of  the  wagons,  usually  a  few  days  later,  was  eagerly  awaited. 
When  at  last  the  long  caravan  appeared  and  rolled  into  the 
little  old  capital  the  scene  was  dramatic. 

The  arrival  produced  a  great  deal  of  bustle  and  excitement 
among  the  natives.  "Los  Americanos!"  "Los  carros!"  "La 
entrada  de  la  Carvana !" — the  Americans,  the  wagons,  the  arrival 
of  the  caravan — were  to  be  heard  in  every  direction ;  and  crowds 
of  women  and  boys  flocked  around  to  see  the  newcomers;  while 
crowds  of  leperos  hung  about  as  usual  to  see  what  they  could 
pilfer.  The  wagoners  were  by  no  means  free  from  excitement 
on  this  occasion.  Informed  of  the  "ordeal'*  they  had  to  pass, 
they  had  spent  the  previous  morning  in  "rubbing  up";  and  now 
they  were  prepared  with  clean  faces,  sleek  combed  hair,  and 
their  choicest  Sunday  suit,  to  meet  the  "fair  eyes"  of  glistening 
black  that  were  sure  to  stare  at  them  as  they  passed.  There 
was  yet  another  preparation  to  be  made  in  order  to  "show  off" 
to  advantage.  Each  wagoner  must  tie  a  bran  new  "cracker" 
to  the  lash  of  his  whip;  for  on  driving  through  the  streets  and 
plaza  publica,10  every  one  strives  to  outvie  his  comrades  in  the 
dexterity  with  which  he  flourishes  this  favorite  badge  of  his 
authority.11 

The  goods  were  soon  unloaded  into  the  custom  house 
ware  rooms  and  for  some  time  the  merchants  were  busy 
selling  their  respective  shipments.  Their  customers  included 
many  Mexican  dealers  from  outlying  towns  who  came  reg- 
ularly to  the  capital  to  buy  their  wholesale  stocks.     Mean- 

10  Public  square. 
"Gregg  I,  110-11. 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  39 

while  the  wagoners,  tourists,  or  other  attaches  of  the  cara- 
van loitered  about  resting  from  their  twelve  weeks'  journey. 

And  there  were  amusements  a-plenty,  chief  among  which 
were  the  fandangos  or  dance  halls.  Though  commonly  a 
dull  place  the  town  now  was  enlivened  by  the  trading  and  the 
influx  of  visitors.  There  was  considerable  demand  for  in- 
terpreters, who  for  a  nominal  fee  made  the  necessary  ar- 
rangements of  sale,  translated  the  manifestos,  or  bills  of 
merchandise  to  be  manifested  at  the  custom  house  and  acted 
as  general  go-between  in  the  buying  and  selling. 

The  Mexican  tariff  imposts  were  excessive,  averaging  from 
sixty  to  one  hundred  per  cent  upon  the  cost  in  the  United 
States  of  an  ordinary  "Santa  Fe  Assortment.'*  Duties  on 
cotton  goods  were  particularly  high  in  the  Thirties.  For 
example,  in  1837,  all  plain  woven  cottons  paid  12%  cents 
duty  per  vara  (33  inches)  plus  a  derecho  de  consuma  or 
consumption  duty  of  2%  cents.  For  some  years  during  this 
decade  Governor  Armijo  levied  an  arbitrary  flat  rate  of 
$500.00  per  wagon-load  whether  large  or  small  and  regard- 
less of  the  value  of  the  goods.  Since  gold  and  silver — espe- 
cially the  latter — were  paid  for  the  articles  brought  in  by 
the  Americans,  Armijo  levied  a  high  export  duty  on  these 
metals.  To  get  around  such  restrictions,  the  shrewd  Ameri- 
can traders  before  approaching  Santa  Fe  would  sometimes 
load  the  contents  of  three  wagons  onto  one  and  then  burn 
the  vehicles  thus  emptied.  To  avoid  the  export  duty  on 
precious  metals  they  attached  large  false  axle-trees  to  some 
of  the  wagons  where  money  was  concealed  safe  from  custom- 
house inspection.  At  last  the  Governor,  probably  suspicious 
that  fraud  was  being  enacted,  returned  to  the  ad  valorem 
scale  of  duties. 

A  traveler  writing  to  a  New  York  newspaper  about  1831 
has  left  this  picture  of  Santa  Fe  as  he  saw  it  then. 


40  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

To  dignify  such  a  collection  of  mud  hovels  with  the  name  of 
"City"  would  be  a  keen  irony;  not  greater,  however,  than  is  the 
name  with  which  its  Padres  have  baptized  it.  To  call  a  place 
with  its  moral  character,  a  very  Sodom  in  iniquity,  "Holy Faith," 
is  scarcely  a  venial  sin;  it  deserves  Purgatory  at  least.  Its 
health  is  the  best  in  the  country,  which  is  the  first,  second  and 
third  recommendation  of  New  Mexico  by  its  greatest  admirers. 
It  is  a  small  town  of  about  two  thousand  inhabitants  crowded 
np  against  the  mountains,  at  the  end  of  a  little  valley  through 
which  runs  a  mountain  stream  of  the  same  name  tributary  to 
the  Rio  Grande.  It  has  a  public  square  in  the  center,  a  Palace 
and  an  Alameda,  as  all  Spanish  Roman  Catholic  towns  have. 
It  is  true  its  Plaza,  or  Public  Square,  is  unfenced  and  uncared 
for,  without  trees  or  grass.  The  Palace  is  nothing  more  than 
the  biggest  mud-house  in  the  town,  and  the  churches,  too,  are 
unsightly  piles  of  the  same  material,  and  the  Alameda  (prom- 
enade) is  on  top  of  a  sand  hill.  Yet  they  have  in  Santa  Fe  all 
the  parts  and  parcels  of  a  regal  city  and  Bishopric.  The  Bishop 
has  a  palace  also,  the  only  two  storied  shingle-roofed  house  in  the 
place.  There  is  one  public  house  set  apart  for  eating,  drinking, 
gambling;  for  be  it  known  that  gambling  is  here  authorized  by 
law.  Hence  it  is  as  respectable  to  keep  a  gambling  house  as  it 
is  to  sell  rum  in  New  Jersey;  it  is  a  lawful  business,  and  being 
lawful,  and  consequently  respectable  and  a  man's  right,  why 
should  not  men  gamble?  And  gamble  they  do.  The  Generals 
and  the  Colonels  and  the  Majors  and  the  Captains  gamble.  The 
judges  and  the  lawyers  and  the  doctors  and  the  priests  gamble, 
and  there  are  gentlemen  gamblers  by  profession!  You  will  see 
squads  of  poor  peons  daily,  men,  women,  and  boys,  sitting  on 
the  ground  around  a  deck  of  cards  in  the  Public  Square  gambling 
for  the  smallest  stakes. 

The  stores  of  the  town  generally  front  on  the  Public  Square. 
Of  these  there  are  a  dozen,  more  or  less,  of  respectable  size, 
and  most  of  them  are  kept  by  others  than  Mexicans.  The  busi- 
ness of  the  place  is  considerable,  many  of  the  merchants  being 
wholesale  dealers  for  the  vast  territory  tributary.  It  is  sup- 
posed that  about  $750,000  worth  of  goods  will  be  brought  to 
this  place  this  year,  and  there  may  be  $250,000  worth  imported 
directly  from  the  United  States. 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  41 

In  the  money  market  there  is  nothing  less  than  a  five  cent 
piece.  You  cannot  purchase  anything  for  less  than  five  cents. 
In  trade  they  reckon  ten  cents  the  eighth  of  a  dollar.  If  you 
purchase  nominally  a  dollar's  worth  of  an  article  you  can  pay 
for  it  in  eight  ten  cent  pieces,  and  if  you  give  a  dollar  you 
receive  no  change.  In  changing  a  dollar  you  would  get  but 
eight  ten-cent  pieces  for  it. 

Yet,  although  dirty  and  unkempt,  and  swarming  with  hungry 
dogs,  it  has  the  charm  of  foreign  flavor  and,  like  San  Antonio, 
retains  some  portion  of  the  grace  which  long  lingered  about  it, 
if  indeed  it  ever  forsakes  the  spot  where  Spain  held  rule  for 
centuries,  and  the  soft  syllables  of  the  Spanish  language  are 
yet  heard. 

At  about  the  same  period  or  a  little  later  Josiah  Gregg 
wrote  as  follows: 

Santa  Fe,  the  Capital  of  New  Mexico,  is  the  only  town  of  any 
importance  in  the  province.  We  sometimes  find  it  written  Santa 
Fe  de  San  Francisco  (Holy  Faith  of  St.  Francis),  the  latter 
being  the  patron  or  saint.  Like  most  of  the  towns  in  this  section 
of  the  country,  it  occupies  the  site  of  an  ancient  Pueblo  or  Indian 
village,  whose  race  has  been  extinct  for  a  great  many  years.  Its 
situation  is  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  east  of  the  Rio  del  Norte, 
at  the  western  base  of  a  snow-clad  mountain,  upon  a  beautiful 
stream  of  small  mill-power  size  which  ripples  down  in  icy  cas- 
cades, and  joins  the  river  some  twenty  miles  to  the  southwest- 
ward.  The  population  of  the  city  itself  but  little  exceeds  3,000 ; 
yet,  including  several  surrounding  villages  which  are  embraced 
in  its  corporate  jurisdiction,  it  amounts  to  nearly  6,000  souls. 

The  town  is  very  irregularly  laid  out,  and  most  of  the  streets 
are  little  better  than  common  highways  traversing  scattered 
settlements  which  are  interspersed  with  corn  fields  nearly  suffi- 
cient to  supply  the  inhabitants  with  grain.  The  only  attempt 
at  anything  like  architectural  compactness  and  precision  con- 
sists in  four  tiers  of  buildings  whose  fronts  are  shaded  with  a 
fringe  of  portales  or  corredores  of  the  rudest  possible  descrip- 
tion. They  stand  around  the  public  square,  and  comprise  the 
Palacio,  or  Governor's  house,  the  Custom-house,  the  Barracks 


48  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

with  which  is  connected  the  fearful  Calaboza,  the  Casa  Con- 
sistorial  of  the  Alcaldes,  the  Capilla  de  los  soldados,  or  military 
chapel,  besides  several  private  residences,  as  well  as  most  of 
the  shops  of  the  American  traders. 

Such,  as  pictured  by  contemporaries,  was  old  Santa  Fe, 
the  goal  of  the  overland  trade,  and  later  the  temporary  goal 
of  a  transcontinental  railroad.  Here  the  traders  and  their 
men  remained  perhaps  four  weeks  disposing  of  all  saleable 
property  and  arrranging  for  the  return  trip  which  began 
late  in  the  summer.  Going  back,  the  train  was  reduced  to 
about  one-fourth  its  original  size  and  traveled  lightly  with 
a  cargo  of  silver  bullion,  blankets,  buffalo  rugs,  gold  dust 
and  wool. 

While  fluctuating  in  volume  the  Santa  Fe  trade  continued 
on  a  fairly  large  scale  as  the  years  went  by.  So  early  as 
1824,  American  goods  had  been  introduced  into  the  more 
southern  markets,  particularly  in  Chihuahua.  While  at 
first  it  was  not  uncommon  for  importers  to  convey  small  as- 
sortments of  goods  to  the  interior  regions  south  and  west 
of  Santa  Fe,  this  policy  was  not  continued,  the  Mexican 
dealers  evidently  preferring  to  buy  such  American  goods  as 
they  did  get  directly  from  wholesalers  in  Santa  Fe.  In  1839 
an  effort  was  made  to  start  a  trade  route  from  Chihuahua 
through  El  Paso  directly  across  Texas  to  frontier  towns 
lying  eastward.  To  encourage  the  project  the  government 
of  Chihuahua  agreed  to  reduce  import  duties  to  a  very  low 
rate  and  to  furnish  protection  to  the  traders.  Accordingly, 
in  April  of  that  year  a  caravan  financed  by  several  pros- 
perous Mexicans  and  an  American,  a  Dr.  Connelley,  set  out 
with  $250,000  in  coin  or  bullion  and  700  mules  in  charge 
of  one  hundred  men.  A  company  of  fifty  dragoons  went  as 
a  military  escort.  Traveling  northward  they  mistook  the 
Red  River  for  the  Brazos  and  were  three  months  reaching 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  TraU  43 

Fort  Towson,  their  destination.  As  winter  was  setting  in 
they  had  to  remain  here  ten  or  twelve  weeks.  Returning 
with  a  big  shipment  of  merchandise  they  again  lost  their 
way  and  did  not  arrive  in  Chihuahua  until  the  midsummer 
of  1840.  During  their  absence  Governor  Ingoyen,  who  had 
made  the  tariff  concessions,  died,  and  his  successor  now  re- 
pudiated the  agreement.  After  six  weeks  of  haggling,  a 
compromise  was  effected  and  the  goods  were  finally  taken 
into  the  city,  on  August  27th.  Because  of  so  many  delays 
the  promoters  of  the  expedition  lost  heavily  and  this  route 
was  not  attempted  again. 

During  the  early  Forties  probably  not  more  than  one 
tenth  of  the  goods  used  in  lower  Mexico  came  in  via  the 
Santa  Fe  route,  whose  great  importance  was  practically  con- 
fined to  the  northern  country.  Matamoras,  Vera  Cruz, 
Tampico  and  Mazatlan  continued  to  be  the  chief  ports  of 
entry  for  the  provinces  lying  southward. 

In  1831  the  market  was  overstocked  and  prices  fell  off 
somewhat,  which  doubtless  accounts  for  the  reduced  volume 
of  trade  immediately  after  that  year.  By  1843  many  New 
Mexicans  had  entered  the  overland  trade,  and  Gregg 
thought  some  of  them  stood  a  fair  chance  to  monopolize  the 
business.  However,  the  Mexican  war  which  soon  followed, 
together  with  the  consequent  annexation  of  the  territory 
to  the  United  States,  effectually  prevented  the  control  of 
the  trade  from  passing  to  New  Mexico. 

Instead  of  purchasing  a  wagon  outfit  some  merchants — 
as  was  intimated — preferred  to  hire  their  commodities  trans- 
ported. As  was  also  mentioned,  the  freight  rate  from  Inde- 
pendence to  Santa  Fe  was  from  ten  to  twelve  dollars  per 
hundred;  from  Santa  Fe  to  Chihuahua  it  was  from  six  to 
eight  dollars.  Gregg  declared  in  1843  that  the  average 
gross  returns  of  the  business  rarely  exceeded  fifty  per  cent, 


/ 


44  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

leaving  a  net  profit  of  between  twenty  and  forty  per  cent. 
Profits  occasionally  went  as  low  as  ten  per  cent ;  and  in  case 
of  disaster  serious  loss  of  course  might  result.  It  was  the 
earlier  traders  who  made  the  greatest  percentage  of  gain. 

Trouble  between  Texas  and  Mexico  began  in  1841,  leading 
to  a  desultory  warfare  in  which  the  Texans  struck  directly 
at  the  New  Mexicans  engaged  in  the  Santa  Fe  trade.  In 
1842-1843  some  reprisals  were  committed  by  both  sides,  the 
Mexicans  generally  being  worsted.  The  result  was  to  hamper 
the  trade,  as  some  innocent  Americans  were  detained  in 
Santa  Fe  charged  with  having  acted  as  spies  in  collusion 
with  the  Texans.  Finally  in  August,  1843,  General  Santa 
Anna,  President  and  Dictator  of  Mexico,  decreed  that  the 
northern  custom  houses  should  close  to  all  commerce,  the 
decree  to  take  effect  forty-five  days  after  its  publication  in 
Mexico  City.  This  edict  stopped  the  trade  until  it  was  again 
opened  by  the  decree  of  March  31, 1844.  Before  the  autumn 
of  that  year  had  ended  about  90  wagons  with  perhaps 
$200,000  in  goods  had  crossed  the  plains  over  the  trail  to 
New  Mexico. 

The  big  annual  caravan  for  1846  comprised  414  wagons 
with  merchandise  valued  at  $1,752,250.  In  August  of  the 
same  year,  New  Mexico  was  occupied  by  the  Americans  under 
General  Kearny.  After  the  conclusion  of  the  Mexican  war, 
as  is  well  known,  the  entire  region  roughly  comprising 
New  Mexico,  Arizona  north  of  the  Gila  River,  California, 
Nevada,  Utah  and  a  large  portion  of  Colorado,  was  ceded 
to  the  United  States  by  the  treaty  of  Guadaloupe  Hidalgo, 
February  2nd,   1848. 

With  New  Mexico,  and  the  territory  extending  to  the 
Pacific  coast  in  possession  of  the  United  States,  a  new  era 
of  the  Santa  Fe  trade  coupled  with  an  advancing  population 
movement   began.      Henceforth    it    remained   only    for   the 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  45 

United  States  Government  to  protect — sometimes  badly 
enough — the  long  caravans,  with  their  traders  and  emi- 
grants while  the  Americanizing  of  the  Southwest  went  on. 

Thus  the  third  and  final  period  in  the  history  of  the 
Santa  Fe  trail  may  be  said  to  have  begun  in  1848  and  lasted 
until  the  coming  of  the  railroad  thirty  years  later.  By  the 
commencement  of  this  era  Westport  and  Kansas  City  had 
begun  to  rival  Independence  as  eastern  terminals  of  the 
trade.  The  real  origin  of  Kansas  City  dates  from  1848,  and 
this  metropolis  owes  its  beginnings  and  much  of  its  early 
growth  to  the  old  Santa  Fe  trail. 

Likewise,  by  1848,  the  commerce  and  emigration  across 
the  plains  had  become  of  great  colonizing  significance,  al- 
though precise  figures  as  to  the  extent  of  this  movement  are 
not  obtainable.  For  twenty  years  after  the  war  with 
Mexico,  until  Sheridan's  Winter  Campaign  in  1868-69,  the 
movement  was  more  or  less  hampered  by  Indians,  since 
Congress  seldom  if  ever  gave  adequate  protection  either  to 
Government  supply  trains  or  to  private  outfits.  Writing 
from  Fort  Mann,  August  1st,  1848,  Colonel  W.  Gilpin  of 
the  Missouri  Volunteers  estimated  that  Americans  had  sus- 
tained losses  over  the  Santa  Fe  route  that  season  as  follows : 
Men  killed,  47;  wagons  destroyed,  330;  stock  plundered, 
6,500  head.  The  greater  part  of  these  losses  he  says  were 
sustained  by  Government  supply  trains.  The  losses  were  in- 
flicted in  the  Arkansas  and  Cimarron  Valley  by  the  Pawnees 
together  with  the  allied  Comanches  and  Kiowas;  and  by 
the  Apaches  farther  west.  The  Indians,  inflamed  by  their 
success,  had  been  preparing  for  new  raids,  but  they  were 
awed  by  the  three  companies  of  infantry  and  two  of  cavalry 
under  Gilpin  who  was  thus  holding  them  in  check.  He  de- 
clared that  the  permanent  security  of  the  road  could  not 
be  obtained  by  a  moving  column  of  troops.     Only  the  estab- 


46  The  Story  of  the  Scmta  Fe 

lishment  of  outlying  military  posts  and  a  permanent  under- 
standing of  peace  and  war  with  the  Indians  would  be  effec- 
tual. To  that  end,  Gilpin  recommended  four  stations  with 
strong  adobe  buildings  and  stock  corrals  at  strategic  points. 
He  also  advised  the  purchase  of  Fort  Bent,  and  thought 
treaties  should  be  made  with  the  Arapahoes,  Cheyennes,  and 
Kiowas.  A  war  of  aggression  he  thought  should  be  waged 
against  the  Comanches  and  Apaches  in  their  little  known 
country  far  to  the  westward.  These  tribes,  he  said,  held  in 
captivity  between  600  and  800  Mexicans  whom  they  had 
captured  in  raids. 

As  a  further  reason  for  renewed  activity  on  the  part 
of  the  Federal  Government  to  protect  the  Santa  Fe  trail, 
Colonel  Gilpin  declared  that  already  that  season  more  than 
3,000  wagons  with  12,000  people  and  50,000  head  of  live 
stock  had  passed  his  headquarters.  Continuing  with  indig- 
nation, he  added:  "It  is  a  great  stigma  upon  the  home  de- 
partment of  our  Government  that  a  few  piratical  savages  are 
allowed  to  menace  with  destruction  all  passengers  for  the 
space  of  600  miles.  Such,  however,  always  has  been  the  case 
and  is  now  the  case."  And  this  condition  of  affairs  would 
remain  until  fortified  posts  of  refuge  and  garrisons  with 
swift  cavalry  were  stationed  along  the  route.  Yet  these 
border  troubles  were  but  incidents  in  the  American  settle- 
ment of  the  Southwest.  To  enumerate  them  in  detail  is  to 
write  a  history  of  the  frontier. 

This  final  period  of  the  trail's  existence  (1848-1878) 
was  likewise  marked  by  the  development  of  the  overland 
stage  and  mail.  In  May,  1849,  the  first  stage  line,  a  month- 
ly service,  was  established  between  Independence  and  Santa 
Fe.  This  was  an  innovation  and  the  forerunner  of  trans- 
continental stage  service  that  followed  a  few  years  later. 
A  writer  in  the  Missouri  Commonwealth — published  at  Inde- 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  47 

pendence — in  July,  1850,  has  left  this  interesting  descrip- 
tion of  the  first  Santa  Fe  stage  coaches : 

The  stages  are  gotten  up  in  elegant  style  and  are  each 
arranged  to  convey  eight  passengers.  The  bodies  are  beautifully 
painted,  and  made  water  tight  with  a  view  of  using  them  as 
boats  in  ferrying  streams.  The  team  consists  of  six  mules  to 
each  coach.  The  mail  is  guarded  by  eight  men,  armed  as  fol- 
lows: Each  man  has  at  his  side,  fastened  in  the  stage,  one 
of  Colt's  revolving  rifles,  in  a  holster  below  one  of  Colt's 
long  revolvers,  and  in  his  belt  a  small  Colt's  revolver, 
besides  a  hunting  knife,  so  that  these  eight  men  are  ready,  in 
case  of  attack,  to  discharge  136  shots  without  having  to  reload. 
This  is  equal  to  a  small  army  armed  as  in  ancient  times,  and 
from  the  looks  of  the  escort  ready  as  they  are  either  for  offen- 
sive or  defensive  warfare  with  the  savages,  we  have  no  fears  for 
the  safety  of  the  mails. 

The  accommodating  contractors  have  established  a  sort  of 
base  of  refitting  at  Council  Grove,  a  distance  of  150  miles  from 
this  city,  and  have  sent  out  a  blacksmith  and  a  number  of  men 
to  cut  and  cure  hay,  with  a  quantity  of  animals,  grain,  and 
provisions;  and  we  understand  they  intend  to  make  a  sort  of 
traveling  station  there  and  commence  to  farm.  They  also,  we 
believe,  intend  to  make  a  similar  settlement  at  Walnut  Creek 
next  season.  Two  of  their  stages  will  start  from  here  the  first 
of  every  month. 

The  mail  route  to  Santa  Fe,  now  an  American  frontier 
town,  at  once  became  important.  About  one  month  was  re- 
quired for  the  stage  to  make  the  850-mile  trip.  In  1854  the 
Government  was  paying  the  contractors  $10,990  annually 
for  the  monthly  service.  But  since  the  route,  as  has  been 
shown,  lay  through  the  Indian  country  and  was  as  yet  feebly 
guarded — if  guarded  at  all — the  cost  of  conducting  the 
service  was  greatly  in  excess  of  the  compensation  received. 
Finally,  after  repeated  complaints  to  the  Postmaster-Gen- 
eral, a  new  contract  was  made  which  granted  $25,000  an- 


48  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

nually  for  carrying  this  mail ;  yet  the  cost  of  the  service  even 
then  was  shown  to  be  $30,000  a  year. 

At  the  same  time,  the  industrial  invasion  and  settlement 
of  the  Southwest  went  on.  By  the  Federal  Census  of  1850 
New  Mexico  had  a  population  of  61,547,  exclusive  of  Indians, 
with  property  valued  at  over  $5,000,000.  Ten  years  later 
the  figures  had  risen  to  80,567  people,  with  property  worth 
nearly  $21,000,000. 

During  that  same  year,  1860,  the  export  trade  from  the 
Missouri  River  border  to  New  Mexico  and  contiguous  terri- 
tory amounted  to  over  18,000  tons,  transported  in  6,992 
wagons.  This  enterprise  required  the  services  of  11,601 
men,  841  horses,  7,574  mules  and  67,950  wagons.  The  cost 
of  hauling  this  freight  was  over  $5,400,000,  while  the  im- 
ports returned  were  worth  nearly  $500,000. 

In  1870  the  white  or  Mexican  population  was  82,193, 
with  property  assessed  at  $18,000,000.  In  the  year  1869 
the  gold  output  of  the  territory  was  $500,000.  The  small 
increase  in  population  and  the  falling  off  in  wealth  during 
the  latter  decade  was  occasioned,  first,  by  the  territory 
having  been  made  smaller.  In  1861,  Colorado,  until  then 
partly  comprised  in  New  Mexico,  was  organized  into  a 
separate  territory.  Likewise,  Arizona  was  split  off  and 
separately  organized  two  years  later.  Futhermore,  the 
Civil  War  with  its  devastating  border  conflicts  was  carried 
into  New  Mexico  by  the  Confederates  in  1862.  All  of  which 
causes  naturally  retarded  for  a  time  the  development  of 
New   Mexico. 

With  the  construction  of  the  Kansas  Pacific  Railroad  in 
the  late  Sixties  and  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  in 
the  Seventies,  the  romance  of  the  Santa  Fe  trail  fast  dis- 
appeared. As  the  Kansas  Pacific,  the  first  line  across  Kan- 
sas, moved  westward,  the  eastern  terminus  of  the  trail  be- 


The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  49 

came  for  a  while  the  "end"  of  the  railroad  line.  First, 
Hays  City,  Kansas,  and  then  Kit  Carson,  Colorado,  were 
the  respective  terminals.  Then  as  the  Santa  Fe  railroad 
gathered  strength  and  pushed  through  Colorado  southward 
the  towns  of  Granada,  La  Junta,  El  Moro,  and  Las  Vegas, 
in  turn  held  the  transient  honors  of  being  at  the  "east  end" 
of  the  trail.  With  the  development  of  the  Santa  Fe  rail- 
road the  Santa  Fe  trail  passed  into  history.  While  it  had 
ceased  to  be  a  commercial  and  colonizing  factor  its  work 
was  to  be  taken  up  and  carried  to  a  splendid  completion  by 
the  railway.  And  with  the  history  of  this  railway,  which  has 
linked  not  only  Santa  Fe,  but  the  entire  Southwest  and  the 
Pacific  Coast  to  the  Mississippi  Valley,  the  succeeding  chap- 
ters of  this  book  will  deal. 


CHAPTER  II 

ctkus  k.  holliday:  the  man  with  a  big  idea 

CYRUS  K.  HOLLIDAY  was  the  father  of  the  Santa 
Fe  railroad.  It  was  Mr.  Holliday  who  projected  this 
great  undertaking;  it  was  his  imagination  and  daring  self- 
confidence  that  made  possible  the  realization  of  the  project. 
From  the  outset  he  believed  that  a  railroad  built  along  the 
Santa  Fe  trail  would  be  a  sound  business  enterprise;  it 
would  haul  the  large  traffic  overland,  encourage  emigration 
and  develop  the  country.  Holliday  foresaw  the  present 
greatness  of  the  Santa  Fe  System  almost  from  the  driving 
of  the  first  spike.  Of  course,  he  had  a  hard  time  convincing 
some  people  that  his  tiny  railroad — even  when  it  had  crossed 
a  couple  of  counties — really  would  become  a  great  system 
that  would  transform  the  entire  Southwest.  People  laughed 
at  him,  called  him  an  old  fool,  and  otherwise  misused  him. 
Men  with  big  ideas  are  generally  abused,  at  first,  by  their 
cautious  and  worldly-wise  fellows. 

Living  to  a  good  old  age  it  was  Mr.  Holliday's  rare  priv- 
ilege to  see  his  little  "Atchison  and  Topeka  Railroad"  spread 
across  Kansas  to  Santa  Fe,  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  to  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico  and  to  Lake  Michigan  just  as  he  had  predicted 
to  his  jeering  neighbors  way  back  in  the  Sixties.  A  railroad, 
which  grew  from  nothing  to  a  transcontinental  system  over 
11,000  miles  in  extent,  sprung  from  the  brain  of  Cyrus  K. 
Holliday,  the  man  with  a  big  idea. 

But  Mr.  Holliday's  activities  were  not  confined  to  the 

50 


Cyrus  K.  Holliday:  the  Man  With  a  Big  Idea       51 

railroad  which  he  conceived,  promoted  and  helped  develop. 
He  was  a  Kansas  pioneer  and  one  of  the  principal  founders 
of  Topeka,  the  capital  of  the  state.  With  this  city  he  cast 
his  fortunes,  and  he  contributed  much  to  its  substantial 
growth.  Not  content  therefore  with  having  brought  into 
existence  a  railway  system  destined  to  build  an  industrial 
empire,  Mr.  Holliday  founded  a  city  which  was  to  be  the 
headquarters  of  his  railroad,  a  city  which  was  to  be  not 
only  the  capital  of  a  great  state  but  the  seat  of  this  railroad 
empire  as  well. 

Holliday  was  born  near  Carlisle,  Pennsylvania,  April  3rd, 
1826.  Except  for  a  short  residence  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  the 
early  years  of  his  life  were  all  spent  near  the  place  of  his 
birth.  He  was  educated  in  the  common  schools  of  his  home 
town  and  at  Meadville  College,  Alleghany,  Pennsylvania. 
Fitting  himself  for  the  legal  profession,  he  practiced  law  for 
a  time.  But  he  always  had  a  craving  for  big  business ;  he 
loved  to  exploit  his  own  ideas.  Having,  it  is  said,  cleared 
$20,000  in  a  railroad  venture  which  he  successfully  put 
through  in  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Holliday  at  once  went  to 
Kansas  with  the  capital  he  thus  had  made.  That  was  in  the 
autumn  of  1854.  It  required  nerve  to  take  $20,000  into 
Kansas  in  those  days  when  the  slave  controversy  and  border 
ruffianism  were  rampant.  But  Holliday  was  never  lacking 
in  courage.  He  stopped  first  at  Lawrence,  then  head- 
quarters for  the  free-state  men.  Here  he  made  the  friendly 
acquaintance  of  Governor  Charles  Robinson,  the  chief  leader 
of  the  free-state  faction. 

Allying  himself  with  Robinson  and  the  free-state  men, 
Holliday  remained  for  some  time  in  Lawrence,  where  he 
helped  build  a  fort  to  defend  the  town  against  the  pro- 
slavery  forces.  While  the  latter  were  for  a  time  successful 
and  in  August,  1855,  established  a  territorial  capital  at 


52  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Lecompton,  many  people  in  Lawrence  believed  that  Kansas 
Territory  would  eventually  become  a  free  state.  Cyrus 
Holliday  was  among  this  number,  and  therefore  he  induced 
a  few  of  his  friends  to  accompany  him  farther  west,  where 
a  good  site  for  a  permanent  state  capital  might  perchance 
be  found.  At  first  the  business  adventurers  stopped  at  Te- 
cumseh,  but  there  they  were  unable  to  come  to  terms  with 
the  landowners.  Had  they  reached  an  agreement,  Tecumseh 
would  now  be  the  capital  of  Kansas.  So  they  journeyed 
a  few  miles  further  west  and  made  a  bargain  with  a  man 
named  Enoch  Chase  whereby  sufficient  land  for  a  good  town- 
site  was  purchased.  This  tract  was  secured  by  means  of  a 
so-called  "Wyandotte  float,"  which  was  a  government  war- 
rant authorizing  a  Wyandotte  Indian  or  his  assigns  to  lo- 
cate on  a  piece  of  unoccupied  land  wherever  he  might  select 
it.  This  became  the  townsite  of  Topeka,  and  the  Topeka 
Town  Company,  with  Cyrus  Holliday  as  its  first  president, 
was  at  once  formed. 

The  site  had  belonged  to  an  Indian  named  Isaiah  Walker, 
who  deeded  the  land  to  the  Company.  The  original  patent  for 
the  property  was  dated  February  14,  1859,  and  signed  by 
President  James  Buchanan.  Another  patent,  covering  sixty- 
two  acres  on  the  bank  of  the  Kaw  River,1  bore  the  signature 
of  Abraham  Lincoln.  The  latter  was  issued  by  the  Lecomp- 
ton Land  Office  to  the  Mayor  and  Council  of  Topeka.  Re- 
specting these  operations,  Mr.  Holliday's  own  story  follows : 

I  arrived  at  Lawrence  in  October,  1854,  and  came  into  pos- 
session of  a  few  shares  in  the  Lawrence  Town  Company,  but, 
preferring  to  be  interested  in  a  town  of  my  own,  started  west 
on  November  21  with  a  party  to  look  up  a  desirable  town-site. 
In  that  party  were  Governor  Robinson,  Rev.  S.  Y.  Lum,  Rev. 
Mr.  Clough,  a  Mr.  Davis,  Frank  Billings,  Captain  Bolles,  John 
Armstrong  and  myself. 

1  Also  called  the  Kansas  River. 


Cyrus  K.  HoUiday:  the  Man  With  a  Big  Idea       53 

On  november  22  we  arrived  on  the  ground  upon  which  the 
City  of  Topeka  now  stands,  which  at  once  impressed  me  as  a 
favorable  location  for  a  great  city.  The  selection  of  this  town- 
site  was  not  an  accident;  it  offered  every  advantage  as  a  town- 
site.  Here  was  a  great  river,  plenty  of  water,  and,  above  all,  the 
two  great  trails  of  the  continent,  Fort  Leavenworth  and  St.  Joe 
to  Santa  Fe,  and  Independence  to  California,  crossed  at  this 
point. 

The  townsite  is  said  to  have  been  staked  out  the  next  day 
after  the  party  took  possession.  They  had  no  surveying 
instruments,  but  by  using  a  compass  which  one  of  the  number 
carried  as  a  watch  charm  and  by  improvising  a  surveyor's 
"chain"  with  ropes  taken  from  provision  sacks,  they  man- 
aged to  lay  out  the  town.  A  large  tree  was  used  as  a  start- 
ing point.  After  some  days  the  site  was  sufficiently  "squared 
up,"  and  certain  rules  were  adopted.  By  these  rules  it  was 
provided  that  one-sixth  of  the  site  be  set  aside  for  the  Emi- 
grant Aid  Society  of  Massachusetts,  which  it  was  thought 
might  be  interested  in  the  new  town.  Another  sixth  was 
set  apart  for  whomsoever  might  come  and  improve  it,  while 
the  Company  members  divided  the  remainder.  It  was  not 
long  before  the  Emigrant  Aid  Society  established  a  saw  mill 
that  supplied  plenty  of  lumber  and  made  rapid  improvement 
possible;  thus  the  town  grew  fast. 

Holliday  wanted  to  call  the  place  Webster  in  honor  of 
the  great  statesman;  but,  at  the  suggestion  of  another 
member  of  the  Town  Company,  the  Indian  name  Topeka2 
was  chosen.  This  was  some  weeks  after  the  townsite  had 
been  laid  out.  As  the  place  began  to  grow,  the  site  was  en- 
larged by  the  addition  of  some  of  the  adjacent  homesteads 

'Translated,  Topeka  means  a  good  place  to  dig  potatoes.  The  foun- 
ders of  the  town  evidently  adopted  the  name  because  it  "sounded  well" 
for  a  town. 


54  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

which  certain  members  of  the  Company,  Holliday  included, 
had  wisely  secured. 

Having  thus  been  a  leader  in  founding  the  town,  Mr.  Holli- 
day  soon  had  Topeka  made  the  capital.  This  he  did  by  ap- 
pearing before  the  Wyandotte  Constitutional  Convention  in 
1859  and  getting  passed  a  measure  which  with  the  consent 
of  Congress  would  and  did  make  the  town  the  territorial 
capital.  He  also  chose  the  site  where  the  present  state- 
house  stands.  Having  helped  found  Topeka  and  having 
personally  succeeded  in  making  his  town  the  capital,  one  of 
Mr.  Holliday's  ambitions  had  thus  been  realized.  But  now 
he  became  possessed  with  one  big  idea — to  build  a  railroad. 
Scarcely  had  he  entered  Kansas  when  he  began  to  dream  of 
building  a  line  over  the  Santa  Fe  trail,  from  the  Missouri 
River  to  Old  Santa  Fe.  To  narrate  the  fulfillment  of  Holli- 
day's dream,  the  origin  and  development  of  the  Santa  Fe 
railroad,  is  the  main  purpose  of  this  work. 

Railroad  booms  were  so  numerous  in  those  days  that  to 
the  average  Kansan,  Holliday's  ambition  must  at  first  have 
appeared  quite  ordinary.  Both  the  Territorial,  and  after 
1861,  the  State  Legislature  of  Kansas  authorized  the  con- 
struction of  many  lines.  But  nearly  all  these  schemes  were 
projected  in  the  interest  of  some  particular  town  or  locality 
without  reference  to  public  welfare.  In  fact  throughout  the 
country  this  spirit  of  local  selfishness  has  often  actuated  the 
public  clamor  for  new  railroads.  During  the  Fifties  and 
Sixties  in  Kansas,  as  in  other  sections,  lines  were  organized 
with  millions  of  capital  stock,  but  with  no  cash,  no  assets, 
and  no  offices.  Numerous  towns  and  villages  and  scores  of 
paper  towns  had  projected  railways  to  run,  with  themselves 
as  starting  points,  to  some  imagined  terminus  on  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  or  the  Pacific.  And  many  of  these  upstart  com- 
munities likewise  fondly  imagined  that  the  great  lines  then 


CYRUS    K.    HOLLIDAY 
'RESIDENT    OF    THE    A.    T.     AS 


Cyrus  K.  Holliday:  the  Man  With  a  Big  Idea       55 

in  operation  east  of  the  Mississippi  were  already  headed 
westward  in  their  direction.  When  after  nearly  ten  years 
of  effort  Cyrus  Holliday  had  financed  his  railroad  and  se- 
cured the  construction  of  some  twenty  miles  of  track,  we  can 
scarcely  blame  those  who  laughed  because  he  boldly  declared 
his  road  would  some  day  reach  New  Mexico  and  beyond. 
It  was  an  age  of  over-confidence  and  wild  enterprises. 

While  is  1855  there  were  but  a  handful  of  settlers  in 
Kansas,  the  Territorial  Assembly  that  year  chartered  five 
railroads.  One  of  these  projects,  the  Leavenworth,  Pawnee 
and  Western,  after  some  years  did  materialize  and  become 
the  first  important  railroad  in  the  state.  The  other  schemes 
were  soon  dropped. 

The  Legislature  of  1857  granted  sixteen  railroad  char- 
ters, none  of  which  was  of  much  importance ;  in  fact  all  but 
two  seem  to  have  been  visionary.  One,  the  Maysville,  or 
Palmetto  and  Roseport  Company  organized  that  year  to 
build  a  railroad  from  Maysville  or  Palmetto  City  to  Rose- 
port  "so  as  to  connect  with  the  Hannibal  &  St.  Joseph  Rail- 
road." In  June,  1857,  the  Roseport  Town  Company  was  re- 
organized and  the  town  renamed  Elwood.  Likewise  the 
railroad,  having  been  reorganized,  changed  its  name  to  the 
Elwood  and  Marysville.  This  project  lay  dormant  nearly 
three  years  when  a  few  miles  of  track,  "the  first  railroad  iron 
laid  on  Kansas  soil,"  were  put  down  and  a  small  locomotive, 
the  "Albany,"  the  "first  iron  horse  to  touch  Kansas  soil," 
ran  back  and  forth  amid  great  acclaim.  But  with  the  ap- 
proach of  war,  enthusiasm  waned;  ere  long  the  cross  ties  of 
this  diminutive  railroad  rotted,  and  cottonwood  trees 
sprouted  between  the  rails. 

The  St.  Joseph  &  Topeka  Railroad,  likewise  chartered 
in  the  prolific  session  of  1857,  has  been  called  the  forerunner 
of  the  Atchison   &   Topeka   road   which   Cyrus   Holliday 


56  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

definitely  conceived  and  put  through,  in  that  it  was  projected 
from  the  Missouri  River  opposite  St.  Joseph  to  Topeka. 
The  charter  lapsed  without  anything  having  been  done. 
But  inasmuch  as  the  enterprise  doubtless  stimulated  the 
interest  of  Atchison  citizens  who  greatly  desired  a  railroad 
connection  with  Topeka,  the  St.  Joseph  and  Topeka  scheme 
was  doubtless  of  some  importance. 

The  charter  of  the  "Atchison  and  Topeka  Railroad  Co." 
was  written  by  Mr.  Holliday  while  at  Lawrence  near  the 
close  of  the  legislative  session,  in  January,  1859.  That  the 
charter  was  exclusively  the  design  and  work  of  Holliday  is 
shown  by  the  fact  he  "had  the  whole  thing  complete  except 
filling  in  the  names  of  the  incorporators,  in  the  first  section, 
before  any  person  was  aware  that  such  a  charter  was  being 
prefaced."  8  Since  Atchison  men  were  anxious  to  have  a 
railroad  outlet  southwest  to  Topeka,  Mr.  Holliday  then  con- 
ferred with  L.  C.  Challiss  of  Atchison  as  to  the  names  of 
Atchison  citizens  who  might  be  desirable  as  incorporators 
from  that  end  of  the  line.  Holliday  and  Challiss  were  both 
members  of  the  territorial  legislature  and  had  long  been 
good  friends.  Holliday  at  once  suggested  General  W.  C. 
Pomeroy  and  Challiss  as  two  incorporators  from  Atchison; 
while  Challiss  proposed  Holliday  as  a  representative  of 
Topeka  interests.  Holliday  then  introduced  the  charter 
into  the  territorial  council — on  Tuesday,  February  1st.  The 
next  day  all  rules  were  suspended  and  the  bill  passed  the 
council  and  was  at  once  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives 
where  it  was  likewise  quickly  passed.  And  on  the  last  day 
of  the  session,  February  11,  1859,  Governor  Medary  re- 
turned the  bill  with  his  approval. 

•  From  the  private  papers  of  Cyrus  Holliday  which  were  kindly  loaned 
to  the  writer  by  his  son,  Mr.  Chas.  Holliday  of  Topeka. 


Cyrus  K.  Holliday:  the  Mem  With  a  Big  Idea       57 

The  capital  stock  of  the  corporation  was  to  be  one  mil- 
lion five  hundred  thousand  dollars,  which  could  be  increased 
"from  time  to  time,  to  any  sum  not  exceeding  the  amount  ex- 
pended on  account  of  said  road,  divided  into  shares  of  one 
hundred  dollars  each."  ...  It  was  further  provided  that  when 
fifty  thousand  dollars  shall  have  been  duly  subscribed  to  the 
capital  stock  and  ten  per  centum  actually  paid  to  the 
grantees  herein  named,  and  a  certificate  from  a  majority  of 
them,  duly  authenticated,  filed  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary 
of  this  Territory,  they  are  authorized  to  organize  the  Com- 
pany and  open  books  for  further  subscriptions,  requiring 
payments  on  instalments  from  time  to  time. 

Such  is  the  story  of  the  original  incorporation  of  the 
Santa  Fe  Railroad.  The  next  step  was  to  organize  a  com- 
pany, but  little  or  nothing  was  done  for  over  a  year  and  a 
half. 

Finally — as  a  story  runs — one  morning  in  September, 
1860,  Mr.  Holliday,  accompanied  by  E.  G.  Ross,  Joel  Hun- 
toon  and  Milton  C.  Dickey,  started  from  Topeka  to  Atchi- 
son, fifty  miles  away,  to  effect  the  long  delayed  organization. 
Some  obliging  liverymen  in  Topeka  had  donated  the  use  of 
a  carriage  and  team  for  the  trip.  Hopes  ran  high  but 
money  was  scarce.  The  members  of  the  party  carried  cold 
lunches.  On  reaching  the  ferry  that  led  across  the  Kaw  at 
the  outskirts  of  Topeka,  they  were  debating  whether  to  ask 
credit  of  the  toll-keeper  when  the  horses  took  the  initiative, 
plunged  in  and  forded  the  stream  safely.  Atchison  was 
reached  in  due  time  and  on  September  15-17,  Sunday  inter- 
vening, the  Company  was  organized  in  Mr.  Challiss's  office 
by  subscriptions  of  stock  and  the  election  of  officers  and 
directors.  C.  K.  Holliday  was  chosen  president — "the  first 
president  of  the  Santa  Fe" ;  Peter  J.  Abell  was  made  secre- 
tary, and  Milton  C.  Dickey,  treasurer.  The  first  Board 
of  Directors  also  chosen  on   September  17th  were  L.   C. 


58  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Challiss,  G.  H.  Fairchild,  P.  T.  Abell,  S.  C.  Pomeroy,  L.  D. 
Bird,  C.  K.  Holliday,  F.  L.  Crane,  E.  G.  Ross,  Joel  Huntoon, 
M.  C.  Dickey,  Jacob  Safford,  R.  H.  Weightman  and  J.  H. 
Stringfellow.  The  capital  stock  of  the  Company  as  sub- 
scribed on  September  15th,  1860,  was  $52,000,  each  of  the 
thirteen  directors  subscribing  $4,000. 

Holliday  was  making  progress.  He  had  written  the 
charter,  secured  the  speedy  incorporation,  and  finally  after 
some  delay  had  effected  the  organization  of  his  railroad  com- 
pany. The  next  step  was  to  enlist  public  opinion  in  be- 
half of  the  enterprise.  Kansas  had  plenty  of  enthusiasm. 
She  needed  railways  to  develop  her  resources  but  she  was 
land  poor.  Millions  of  acres  of  public  domain  lay  untouched. 
Could  some  of  this  land  be  set  apart  and  sold  for  the  pur- 
pose of  aiding  the  railroad  construction,  something  definite 
might  be  accomplished.  Statehood  was  likely  to  be  granted 
soon  and  this  would  probably  stimulate  immigration  and 
intensify  the  desire  for  transportation  facilities.  Since 
everybody  was  talking  railroads  and  the  air  was  full  of 
railroad  projects  some  of  the  more  thoughtful  citizens  of 
Kansas  began  to  think  that  if  any  of  these  countless 
schemes  were  ever  realized  a  concentrated  effort  would  be 
necessary.  And  so  to  organize  public  sentiment  on  behalf 
of  railroad  building,  Mr.  E.  G.  Ross,  editor  of  the  Topeka 
Record,  suggested  that  a  convention  be  called  to  devise  some 
scheme  for  securing  a  practical  railroad  system  for  the 
Territory  of  Kansas  which  it  was  expected  would  soon  be- 
come a  state.  This  suggestion  was  made  late  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1860  just  before  the  Atchison  and  Topeka  Com- 
pany had  been  organized.  The  proposition  was  greeted 
with  popular  approval.  Cyrus  Holliday  now  saw  his  oppor- 
tunity and  immediately  prepared  and  circulated  for  sign- 
ers the  following  call: 


Cyrus  K.  Holliday:  the  Man  With  a  Big  Idea       59 

A  convention  will  be  held  at  Topeka,  Kansas,  on  Wednesday, 
the  17th  day  of  October,  I860,  for  the  purpose  of  devising  a 
system  of  railroad  land  grants  for  the  territory  to  be  petitioned 
for  at  the  next  session  of  Congress.  A  full  representation  from 
all  parts  of  the  territory  is  earnestly  solicited. 

This  call  with  three  hundred  and  fifteen  signatures  that 
were  promptly  secured  was  then  published  in  the  Atchison 
Freedom's  Champion  which  called  attention  to  it  in  "an 
able  and  patriotic  article." 

The  convention  assembled  in  the  Old  Museum  Hall,  at 
Topeka,  at  10  a.  m.  October  17th.  Delegates  were  pres- 
ent from  nineteen  counties,  representing  virtually  all  the 
settled  portions  of  the  territory  at  that  time.  They  came, 
some  of  them,  from  a  long  distance,  in  private  conveyances 
at  their  own  expense.  The  meeting  was  called  to  order 
by  Samuel  C.  Pomeroy,  of  Atchison.  E.  G.  Ross,  of  Topeka, 
was  chosen  temporary  president.  Then  there  followed  the 
usual  procedure  of  appointing  a  committee  on  creden- 
tials and  permanent  organization. 

A  squabble  ensued  as  to  the  basis  of  representation.  Some 
wanted  each  county  to  have  one  vote  on  all  questions  be- 
fore the  convention.  A  faction  from  Leavenworth  sub- 
mitted a  minority  report  which  advocated  giving  one  vote 
to  each  county,  together  with  one  additional  vote  for  each 
one  thousand  of  population  and  every  fraction  of  five  hun- 
dred and  upwards.  This  report  was  presented  by  Thomas 
Means  of  Leavenworth  who  spoke  for  nearly  an  hour  in 
its  defense.  He  contended  that  the  city  of  Leavenworth 
was  the  metropolis  of  Kansas  and  the  great  port  of  entry 
on  the  Missouri  River.  Since  all  roads  led  to  Leavenworth 
and  the  outlying  counties  had  to  go  there  for  supplies  "they 
should  consult  her  interests  and  aid  her  in  her  demands." 
It  was  utterly  wrong  for  counties  having  scarcely  any  popu- 


60  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

lation  whose  delegates  "represent  nothing  but  prairie  sod" 
to  have  equal  voting  power  with  Leavenworth  and  other 
populous  counties. 

In  a  frontier  convention,  whose  members  came  largely 
from  rural  districts  or  from  fiercely  ambitious,  booming  vil- 
lages, the  effect  of  such  a  speech  can  easily  be  imagined. 
It  started  a  lively   row. 

Means  was  answered  by  B.  F.  Stringfellow,  a  former 
Attorney  General  of  the  State  of  Missouri  but  now  a  resi- 
dent of  Atchison,  which  county  he  represented  in  the  con- 
vention. In  a  vigorous  speech  Stringfellow  declared  that 
the  sparsely  settled  counties  were  under  no  obligations  to 
Leavenworth.  In  fact  the  day  was  not  far  ahead  when 
Leavenworth  would  be  under  obligations  to  them  for  busi- 
ness and  support.  Those  thinly  populated  counties  were 
being  settled  fast.  While  to-day  perhaps  their  delegates 
represented  only  "prairie  sod"  the  time  was  near  when  those 
same  counties  would  have  large  populations  with  improved 
farms,  "furnishing  trainloads  of  produce  for  the  markets 
of  the  world."  Hence  it  was  the  business  of  Leavenworth 
to  aid  in  getting  railroads  constructed  through  all  these 
counties  so  they  might  be  able  thereby  to  transport  their 
products  to  the  city.  This  would  enable  Leavenworth  in 
fact  to  become  the  metropolis  of  the  territory.  A  metrop- 
olis was  made  by  business ;  it  could  never  be  created  through 
efforts  to  destroy  the  country  that  furnished  that  business. 

Stringfellow's  speech  carried  the  day  and  the  majority 
report  was  adopted.  This  action  led  to  the  withdrawal 
of  the  Leavenworth  and  Wyandotte  faction,  whereupon  the 
remaining  delegates  went  ahead  without  further  delay.  A 
committee  of  one  was  appointed  from  each  of  the  county 
delegations  that  remained,  and  the  joint  committee  thus 


Cyrus  K.  Holliday:  the  Man  With  a  Big  Idea       61 

formed  went  into  session  and  drew  up  this  resolution  which 
the  convention  unanimously  adopted: 

Resolved  that  a  memorial  he  presented  to  Congress  asking  an 
appropriation  of  public  lands  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  the 
following  railroads  in  Kansas:  First,  a  railroad  from  the 
western  boundary  of  the  state  of  Missouri  where  the  Osage 
Valley  and  Southern  Kansas  railroad  terminates,  westwardly,  by 
the  way  of  Emporia,  Fremont,  and  Council  Grove,  to  the  Fort 
Riley  military  reservation;  second,  a  railroad  from  the  city  of 
Wyandotte*  (connecting  with  the  P.  G.  R.  railroad  and  the 
Pacific  railroad),  up  the  Kansas  Valley,  by  way  of  Lawrence, 
Lecompton,  Tecumseh,  Manhattan,  and  the  Fort  Riley  military 
reservation,  to  the  western  boundary  of  the  territory;  third,  a 
railroad  running  from  Lawrence  to  the  southern  boundary  of 
Kansas,  in  the  direction  of  Fort  Gibson  and  Galveston  Bay; 
fourth,  a  railroad  running  from  Atchison  to  the  western  boundary 
of  Kansas. 

Cyrus  Holliday  then  offered  the  following  resolutions: 

That  there  be  a  committee  of  five  appointed  to  memorialize 
Congress  in  behalf  of  the  railroad  schedule  recommended  by  this 
convention,  and  that  the  delegates  representing  each  of  the 
respective  routes  contemplated  in  the  schedule  nominate  a  mem- 
ber of  said  committee.  Said  committee  shall  also  issue  an  address 
to  the  people  of  Kansas  upon  the  subject  of  railroad  grants. 

Resolved  that  a  standing  committee  of  five  be  appointed  by 
the  chair,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  adopt  such  measures  as  they 
may  deem  best,  by  the  appointment  of  sub-committees  or  other- 
wise, to  obtain  signatures  of  the  people  of  Kansas,  to  be  pre- 
sented to  Congress  in  favor  of  the  schedule  of  roads  adopted  by 
this  convention  and  adopt  such  other  measures  as  they  may 
deem  best  calculated  to  carry  out  the  objects  of  this  convention. 

The  Holliday  resolutions  were  carried  without  dissent. 
John  A.  Martin  of  Atchison  County  then  moved  that  the 

•Now  Kansas  City,  Kans. 


62  The  Story  of  the  Scmta  Fe 

proceedings  of  the  convention  be  entrusted  to  Hon.  M.  J. 
Parrott,  the  Kansas  delegate  in  Congress,  who  should  be 
requested  to  present  to  Congress  for  its  favorable  con- 
sideration the  railroad  plans  and  memorial  adopted  by 
the  convention.     This  resolution  likewise  was  adopted. 

The  delegates  present,  at  the  proposal  of  the  chairman, 
then  nominated  members  of  the  committees  contemplated 
by  Mr.  Holliday's  resolutions. 

A  further  motion  by  A.  C.  Davis,  that  the  newspapers 
of  the  territory  be  requested  to  publish  a  record  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  convention,  was  carried — after  which  the 
body  adjourned  sine  die. 

While  of  great  significance  in  the  history  of  the  Santa 
Fe  railroad,  this  was  in  many  respects  a  remarkable  con- 
vention. It  was  non-partison,  being  composed  of  Demo- 
crats, Republicans,  pro-slavery,  and  free  state  men.  Ex- 
cept for  the  temporary  trouble  caused  by  the  Leavenworth 
faction,  these  men  of  diverse  political  creeds  worked  in 
harmony  for  a  common  purpose — the  development  of  local 
interests.  The  Topeka  railroad  convention  was  of  import- 
ance because  it  organized  public  sentiment ;  it  crystallized  the 
countless  petty  railroad  schemes  into  a  few  well-defined 
plans.  As  directed  by  the  convention,  Mr.  Stringfellow 
promptly  addressed  to  Congress  an  able  memorial  on  the 
subject,  outlining  the  importance  of  the  roads  named  in  the 
convention's  schedule,  and  setting  forth  arguments  for  their 
early  construction. 

Of  course  delays  were  to  be  encountered.  First  there  was 
a  severe  drouth,  which  blighted  Kansas,  even  while  the  con- 
vention was  sitting.  Since  this  calamity  caused  much  local 
distress  and  business  depression  it  naturally  would  have 
checked  for  a  time  any  decisive  action  in  railroad  building. 
Then  followed  the  greatest  of  our  national  calamities,  the 


Cyrus  K.  Holliday:  the  Man  With  a  Big  Idea       63 

terrible  Civil  War  which  was  to  blight  the  whole  country 
for  four  long  years.  Yet  in  the  midst  of  this  gloom  there 
came  a  ray  of  hope  for  western  railway  projects.  For  years 
an  effort  had  been  made  in  Congress  to  secure  the  passage 
of  a  law  granting  public  lands  and  financial  support  in  be- 
half of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  coast.  While  badly  needed, 
this  proposal  had  always  failed  to  carry  because  of  diverse 
sectional  interests.  Northern  politicians  in  Congress  wanted 
a  line  built  by  a  northern  or  central  route.  Southern  men 
fought  for  a  southern  route.  Thus  the  matter  stood,  virtu- 
ally deadlocked,  when  the  withdrawal  of  southern  senators 
and  representatives  gave  the  northern  men  a  free  hand  with 
only  their  own  petty  differences  to  compose,  before  a  Pacific 
railroad  should  be  authorized  and  made  possible  by  Federal 
support.  Kansas  became  a  state  in  1861  and  her  first  sen- 
ators, James  H.  Lane  and  Samuel  C.  Pomeroy,  began  to  work 
vigorously,  first  for  the  all-important  Pacific  railroad  bill 
which  had  so  long  interested  Congress.  In  the  enactment  of 
the  bill,  which  became  a  law  July  1,  1862,  Lane  and  Pom- 
eroy played  a  prominent  part.  With  this  important  and 
long-standing  measure  no  longer  pressing,  it  became  rela- 
tively easy  to  secure  appropriations  of  public  land  to  aid  in 
the  construction  of  other  prospective  railroads  in  the  West. 
The  bill  which  was  to  make  possible  the  construction  of 
the  Santa  Fe  railroad  across  Kansas  was  written  by  Cyrus 
Holliday  and  sent  in  Holliday's  handwriting  to  the  United 
States  Senate,  where  it  was  introduced  by  Senator  Pomeroy. 
It  passed  both  Houses  quietly  and  received  President  Lin- 
coln's signature  on  March  3rd,  1863.  While  destined  to  be 
of  momentous  importance,  this  bill  bore  the  innocent  name  of 
"An  Act  for  a  grant  of  lands  to  the  State  of  Kansas,  in  al- 
ternate sections  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  certain  rail- 
roads and  telegraphs  in  said  state."   The  act  was  general  in 


64  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

character  and  made  provision  among  other  things  for  two 
railroads.  It  provided,  "That  there  be  and  is  hereby, 
granted  to  the  state  of  Kansas,  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  in 
the  construction :  First  of  a  railroad  and  telegraph  from  the 
city  of  Leavenworth  by  the  way  of  the  town  of  Lawrence, 
and  via  the  Ohio  City,  crossing  of  the  Osage  river  to  the 
southern  line  of  the  state  in  the  direction  of  Galveston  Bay, 
in  Texas,  with  a  branch  from  Lawrence,  by  the  Valley  of  the 
Wakarusa  river,  to  the  point  on  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and 
Santa  Fe  railroad  where  said  road  intersects  the  Neosho 
river.  Second,  of  a  railroad  from  the  City  of  Atchison, 
via  Topeka,  the  capital  of  said  state,  to  the  western 
line  of  the  state,  in  the  direction  of  Fort  Union  and 
Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  with  a  branch  from  where  this 
last  named  road  crosses  the  Neosho,  down  said  Neosho 
Valley — every  alternate  section  of  land,  designated  by 
odd  numbers,  for  ten  sections  in  width  on  each  side 
of  said  roads  and  each  of  its  branches."  The  lands 
granted  for  the  construction  of  these  railroads  and  branches 
were  to  be  devoted  exclusively  to  their  construction  and  were 
to  be  disposed  of  only  as  the  work  progressed.  The  said 
lands  were  granted  to  the  State  of  Kansas  to  be  disposed  of 
by  its  legislature  only  for  the  purpose  aforesaid.  And  in 
effecting  their  disposal,  the  Governor  was  to  certify  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Interior  whenever  "twenty  consecutive  miles 
of  either  of  said  roads  or  branches  is  completed  in  a  good, 
substantial  and  workmanlike  manner,  as  a  first-class  rail- 
road, and  the  said  Secretary  shall  be  satisfied  that  said 
State  has  complied  in  good  faith  with  this  requirement,  the 
said  State  may  cause  to  be  sold  all  lands  granted  as  afore- 
said situated  opposite  to  and  within  a  limit  of  ten  miles  of 
the  line  of  said  section  of  road  thus  completed,  extending 
along  the  whole  length  of  said  completed  section  of  twenty 


Cyrus  K.  Holliday:  the  Man  With  a  Big  Idea       65 

miles  of  road,  and  no  further."  After  this  manner  the  lands 
were  to  be  granted  "until  said  roads  and  branches  are  com- 
pleted." A  significant  clause  stated:  "That  if  any  of  said 
roads  and  branches  is  not  completed  within  ten  years  from 
the  passage  of  this  act,  no  further  sale  shall  be  made,  and  the 
lands  unsold  shall  revert  to  the  United  States."  The  act 
contained  the  usual  provisions  making  the  railroads  and 
branches  public  highways  over  which  the  United  States  mail 
and  troops  were  to  be  transported. 

It  then  only  remained  for  the  Kansas  Legislature  to  pass 
"An  Act  to  accept  a  grant  of  lands  made  to  the  State  of 
Kansas,  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  to  aid  in  the 
construction  of  certain  railroads  in  said  state  and  to  apply 
the  same  to  construction  of  such  roads  and  telegraphs." 
This  measure  was  duly  enacted  and  became  a  law  February 
8th,  1864.  But  the  Kansas  Legislature  went  farther  than 
merely  to  accept  in  a  perfunctory  manner  the  enabling  Act 
of  Congress.  It  supplemented  its  act  of  acceptance  with  an 
Act  authorizing  certain  counties  to  "subscribe  to  and  take 
stock  in  certain  railroad  companies  and  issue  bonds  there- 
for." This  law  which  received  the  Governor's  approval 
March  1st,  1864,  provided,  among  other  things,  that  the 
counties  of  Atchison,  Jefferson,  and  Shawnee,  and  all  other 
counties  through  or  near  which  the  proposed  line  or  lines  of 
the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  Railroad  and  its 
branches  shall  pass  "are  each  hereby  empowered  and  author- 
ized to  subscribe  and  take  stock  in  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and 
Santa  Fe  Railroad  Company  and  to  issue  bonds  for  the 
same,  not  to  exceed  the  amount  of  $200,000."  Such  stock 
of  course  could  not  be  subscribed  except  by  the  consent  of  a 
majority  vote  of  the  citizens  of  said  counties. 

This  friendly  legislation  was  not  the  only  effort  which  the 
Kansas  Legislature  put  forth.     At  about  the  same  time 


66  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

the  County  bonding  bill  was  enacted,  both  Houses  memo- 
rialized Congress  in  a  concurrent  resolution.  The  Secretary 
of  State  was  then  directed  to  forward  to  the  Kansas  dele- 
gation in  Congress,  to  the  President  of  the  United  States 
and  the  Speaker  of  the  House,  copies  of  the  preamble  and 
resolutions,  urging  that  they  be  submitted  to  Congress  for 
consideration. 

But  the  Federal  Government  gave  no  heed  to  this  request 
and  the  Santa  Fe  railroad  had  to  be  content  with  the  lands 
appropriated  in  the  Act  of  March  3rd,  1863.  Compared 
with  the  help  which  other  early  transcontinental  roads  re- 
ceived from  Congress  the  Santa  Fe  got  but  small  support. 
For  building  from  Omaha  to  Ogden  the  Union  Pacific  re- 
ceived nearly  12,000,000  acres  and  a  loan  of  $27,236,512 
in  government  bonds.  The  Central  and  Western  Pacific 
between  Sacramento  and  Ogden  got  8,000,000  acres  and  a 
similar  loan  of  $27,855,680.  The  Kansas  Pacific,  after- 
wards a  division  of  the  Union  Pacific  running  from  Kansas 
City  to  Denver,  received  6,000,000  acres  and  a  loan  of 
$6,000,000.  The  Union  Pacific  combination,  in  other  words, 
received  26,000,000  acres  of  land  and  immediate  financial 
aid  to  the  extent  of  $61,392,192.  While  it  was  the  first 
line  to  be  built  across  the  continent,  its  construction  in- 
volved a  nation-wide  scandal. 

The  Northern  Pacific  was  given  a  public  land  grant  aggre- 
gating about  43,000,000  acres,  much  of  which  land  was  valu- 
able. The  Atlantic  and  Pacific  was  granted  42,000,000  acres, 
a  large  part  of  it  desert  and  practically  useless.  The  Texas 
and  Pacific  got  23,000,000  acres ;  the  Southern  Pacific  about 
14,000,000.  While  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe, 
eventually  to  become  one  of  the  greatest  and  in  some  re- 
spects the  most  remarkable  system  of  them  all,  received  from 
Congress  less  than  3,000,000  acres  of  public  land  and  no 


Cyrus  K.  Holliday:  the  Man  With  a  Big  Idea      67 

government  bonds.  The  history  of  the  Santa  Fe  is  remark- 
able in  that  it  is  the  story  of  a  few  great  personalities  with 
imagination  and  far-seeing  vision  achieving  what  appeared 
to  be  the  impossible.  It  is  a  story  of  definite  ambitions,  of 
indomitable  purpose,  of  able  financing,  efficient  organization, 
and  relentless  energy.  Cyrus  Holliday,  the  father  of  the 
Santa  Fe,  personified  these  qualities,  and  the  Santa  Fe  rail- 
road developed  leaders  who  embodied  them  to  the  highest 
degree. 

By  the  spring  of  1864,  Mr.  Holliday  had  accomplished 
much.  He  had  effected  the  incorporation  and  organization 
of  his  company.  His  masterly  initiative  had  brought  to- 
gether the  Topeka  railroad  convention  of  I860,  which  organ- 
ized public  sentiment,  decided  upon  a  definite  line  of  action, 
and  made  the  granting  of  aid  to  Kansas  railroads  an  issue 
in  Congress.  This  convention  had  projected  five  definite 
lines,  Holliday's  among  them,  and  of  this  number,  all  but 
the  first — "a  railroad  from  the  western  boundary  of  the 
State  of  Missouri  .  .  .  westwardly  by  the  way  of  Emporia, 
Fremont  and  Council  Grove  .  .  ."  were  to  materialize  into 
important  railroads.  Of  these  four,  the  Atchison,  Topeka 
and  Santa  Fe  promoted  by  Holliday,  was  to  become  one  of 
the  great  railway  systems  of  the  world.  Another,  the  South- 
ern Kansas,  was  to  be  a  part  of  the  Santa  Fe,  while  the 
two  remaining  lines  were  later  to  form  important  divisions 
of  the  Union  Pacific. 

Undaunted  by  demoralized  conditions  due  to  the  Civil 
War,  Mr.  Holliday  had  stuck  to  his  purpose.  He  finally 
had  secured,  in  the  passage  of  a  bill  framed  by  himself, 
the  enabling  act  of  Congress  authorizing  the  Kansas  Legis- 
lature to  appropriate  the  long-desired  grant  of  public  lands 
in  aid  of  his  prospective  railroad.  The  supplementary  legis- 
lation, together  with  an  act  authorizing  local  assistance  and 


68  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

a  memorial  to  Congress  asking  for  financial  help  which  was 
not  given  had  been  speedily  rendered  by  the  Legislature. 
Still  there  remained  a  long  period  of  waiting  and  much  to 
be  done.  The  Civil  conflict  dragged  on  a  year  longer.  Be- 
cause of  the  war  and  the  disarranged  business  conditions  of 
the  country,  times  were  not  at  all  propitious  in  the  Sixties 
for  financing  railroads,  especially  in  Kansas  whose  record 
for  drouths,  border  wars  and  cyclones  was  unenviable.  At- 
tention was  of  course  drawn  largely  to  the  Union-Central 
Pacific  enterprise  which  with  the  powerful  support  of  the 
Federal  Government  was  building  in  a  spectacular  fashion. 
The  Pacific  Railroad  was  desired  by  the  whole  country, 
though  but  few  people  thought  it  would  develop  the  region 
through  which  it  passed.  It  was  looked  upon  more  as  a 
strategic  means  of  binding  the  Pacific  Coast  more  effectually 
to  the  Union  both  commercially  and  in  a  military  sense.  In 
spite  of  the  large  volume  of  business  and  the  numerous 
traders  and  emigrants  who  had  for  years  been  going  out 
over  the  Santa  Fe  trail  and  settling,  many  of  them,  in  the 
distant  Southwest,  it  was  hard  to  convince  capitalists  in 
those  days  that  the  Santa  Fe  land  grant  and  that  the 
Kansas  prairies  in  general,  amounted  to  much.  So  late  as 
1849,  Josiah  Gregg,  the  well-known  Santa  Fe  trader  and 
famous  historian  of  the  southwest  trade  routes,  had  written 
of  the  plains  country: 

It  will  now  readily  be  inferred  that  the  Great  Prairies  from 
Red  River  to  the  Western  sources  of  the  Missouri  are,  as  has 
before  been  intimated,  chiefly  uninhabitable — not  so  much  for 
want  of  wood  (though  the  plains  are  altogether  naked)  as  of 
soil  and  of  water,  for  though  some  of  the  plains  appear  of 
sufficiently  fertile  soil,  they  are  mostly  of  a  sterile  character, 
and  all  too  dry  to  be  cultivated.  These  great  steppes  seem 
only  fitted  for  the  haunts  of  the  mustang,  the  buffalo,  the 
antelope,  and  their  migratory  lord,  the  prairie  Indian.     Unless, 


Cyrus  K.  Holliday:  the  Man  With  a  Big  Idea       69 

with  the  progressive  influence  of  time,  some  favorable  mutation 
should  be  wrought  in  nature's  operations,  to  revive  the  plains 
and  upland  prairies,  the  occasional  fertile  valleys  are  too  iso- 
lated and  remote  to  become  the  abodes  of  civilized  men. 

While  twenty  years  later  thousands  of  people  had  learned 
that  the  prairies  held  great  agricultural  possibilities,  yet 
popular  prejudice  still  lingered  east  of  the  Mississippi  where 
most  of  the  capital  was  to  be  found.  The  idea  of  building 
a  railroad  across  Kansas  for  the  purpose  of  colonizing  the 
plains  seemed  ridiculous  to  many.  Some  thought  it  barely 
possible  to  build  more  than  a  few  hundred  miles  west  of  the 
Missouri.  Others  thought  the  Government  might  some  day 
build  a  road  for  military  purposes  over  the  35th  parallel 
route  through  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  hence,  obviously, 
why  finance  a  private  enterprise?  The  war  was  over  and  the 
land  grant  secured,  but  it  was  still  necessary  to  convince 
skeptical  investors  that  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe 
railroad  project  was  not  a  piece  of  folly,  the  plan  of  a  mere 
visionary.  It  was  a  long  and  heartless  task,  a  struggle  that 
lasted  ten  years,  but  the  personality  and  iron  will  of  Cyrus 
Holliday,  backed  by  his  Topeka  friends,  triumphed  in  the 
end.  The  chief  trouble  lay  in  getting  funds  to  commence  the 
enterprise.  Extending  across  Kansas  was  the  splendid  land 
grant  in  which  people  had  dubious  faith.  But  this  land 
grant,  for  better  or  for  worse,  could  not  be  liquidated  into 
cash  unless  the  railroad  was  built  to  and  through  it.  Here 
was  a  case  of  finding  the  solution  of  a  problem  by  solving  it. 
And  the  long-sought  means  now  seemed  near  at  hand. 

In  1867  a  petition  was  presented  to  the  Board  of  County 
Commissioners  of  Shawnee  County,  of  which  Topeka  is  the 
county  seat,  requesting  that  a  bond  election  be  held  to  vote 
on  a  proposal  to  issue  $250,000  in  county  bonds  to  aid  in 
constructing  the  railroad  through  Shawnee  County.     This- 


70  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

proposition  was  voted  down.  Determined  to  win  at  all 
events,  Holliday,  assisted  by  Judge  Safford,  Judge  Martin 
and  P.  I.  Bonebrake,  organized  a  house-to-house  campaign. 
Enthusiastic  meetings,  addressed  by  friends  of  the  undertak- 
ing, were  held  in  schoolhouses  and  churches.  A  new  election 
was  then  called  and  the  bonds  carried.  The  next  task  was  to 
offer  the  bonds  in  the  financial  centers  of  the  country,  where 
they  failed  to  attract  much  notice.  A  contract  was  finally 
let  in  1867  to  a  George  W.  Beach,  of  New  York,  who  agreed 
to  build  the  road,  but  he  did  not  keep  his  agreement.  It 
appears  that  he  soon  became  convinced  that  the  venture  was 
too  uncertain  to  warrant  any  outlay  of  money  and  effort, 
even  with  the  bonded  promise  of  local  support.  The  county 
bonds  had  failed  to  arouse  interest  in  the  road.  When  the 
task  had  actually  seemed  possible  of  fulfillment  the  contrac- 
tor had  broken  faith.  Success  was  always  slipping  away,  yet 
Mr.  Holliday  would  not  fail.  Warmly  supported  by  his 
friend,  Jacob  Safford,  he  renewed  his  efforts  to  get  direct 
financial  assistance  outside  of  Kansas.  Nobody  knows  the 
number  of  trips  he  made  to  the  money  centers  of  the  East, 
but  they  were  many.    So  the  fight  went  on. 

April  9th,  1868,  the  Topeka  Weekly  Leader  contained 
this  bit  of  news : 

"Judge  Safford  and  Col.  Holliday  left  Topeka  about  the  first 
of  March  last  for  New  York  to  look  after  the  interests  of  this 
railroad.  The  Judge  returned  home  on  Friday  last,  bringing 
encouraging  news  in  regard  to  the  early  construction  of  the 
Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  R.  R. 

Col.  Holliday  tarried  at  New  York  to  arrange  the  prelimi- 
naries. There  seems  to  be  no  doubt — if  we  believe  what  these 
gentlemen  write  and  tell  us — but  that  the  road  will  be  put  under 
contract  and  work  actually  commenced  previous  to  the  first  day 
of  June,  next. 

We  are  importuned  daily  as  to  what  are  the  chances  of  this 


Cyrus  K,  Holliday:  the  Man  With  a  Big  Idea       71 

road  being  built  and  we  have  invariably  answered  that  we  did 
not  know.  However  the  horizon,  heretofore  dark  and  bright  by 
turns,  is  clearing  and  we  fully  believe  in  the  early  construction 
of  the  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  Railroad. 

Three  weeks  later  the  same  paper  announced: 

Daily  we  are  asked  the  question,  "Do  you  think  the  work 
will  soon  commence  on  the  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  Railroad?" 
Now,  that  Col.  Holliday  has  returned,  and  having  heard  his 
statements,  we  say  to  the  public  that  the  early  construction  of 
the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  Railroad  is  certainly  flat- 
tering. That  the  grading  will  be  started  within  the  next  sixty 
days  we  verily  believe. 


o 


CHAPTER  III 

THE    BEGINNINGS   OF   A   GREAT   RAILROAD 

N  the  7th  of  October,  1868,  the  Topeka  State  Record 
proudly  announced: 


The  child  is  born  and  his  name  is  "Success,"  let  fhe  capital 
city  rejoice. 

The  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  Railroad  will  be  built  beyond  peradventure. 
Work  will  commence  immediately.  Please  inform  the  good  peo- 
ple of  Topeka  and  Shawnee  County  of  the  brilliant  future 
awaiting  them. 

It  was  a  letter  just  received  from  Mr.  Holliday  in  New 
York,  dated  September  26th. 

To  this  glad  news  the  Record  added: 

It  is  fitting  that  Col.  Holliday  should  be  the  final  successful 
negotiator  in  this  enterprise.  To  no  one  man  in  Kansas  can  the 
praise  be  awarded  more  surely  for  fostering  and  encouraging 
the  various  railroad  schemes  now  making  every  farmer  in  the 
state  richer  than  he  was  than  to  Col.  Holiday. 

While  others  have  abandoned  the  project  as  chimerical,  the 
Colonel  has  never  faltered,  but  has  steadfastly  kept  on  winning 
his  way  until  his  enterprising  schemes  became  the  people's,  and 
success  came  of  it.  The  Colonel  is  soon  to  return  and  will  merit 
the  approbation  of  every  property  holder  in  the  city. 

What  had  appeared  impossible  was  at  last  to  be  sur- 
mounted; for  arrangements  had  been  made  with  a  strong 
middle-western  firm,  Dodge,  Lord  and  Company  of  Cincin- 
nati, who  were  now  to  start  building  operations  in  earnest. 

72 


The  Begvrmvngs  of  a  Great  Railroad  73 

It  is  doubtful  if  the  Shawnee  County  bonds  and  the  uncer- 
tain prospects  of  the  country  through  which  the  Atchison, 
Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  railroad  was  to  pass  could  have  in- 
duced even  this  firm  to  take  up  the  proposition.  But  the  re- 
sourceful Mr.  Holliday,  wisely  anticipating'  the  final  diffi- 
culties that  would  be  met  in  financing  his  road,  had  prepared 
for  this  emergency  by  acquiring  another  grant  of  valuable 
land.  Just  west  of  Topeka  was  the  Pottawatomie  Indian 
reservation,  a  splendid  tract  which  lay  wholly  within  the 
settled  area  of  Kansas.  It  was  land  that  people  knew  to  be 
"habitable"  and  which  would  sell  quickly  at  a  fair  rate  if 
once  put  upon  the  market.  By  a  treaty  made  with  the  tribe 
on  November  15th,  1861,  it  had  been  provided  that  the 
Leavenworth,  Pawnee  and  Western  Railroad  company  might 
buy  the  unallotted  surplus  lands  of  this  reservation  at  the 
rate  of  one  dollar  and  a  quarter  per  acre.  But  to  secure 
a  patent  to  all  the  lands  in  question  at  this  rate,  the  com- 
pany, or  its  assigns,  must  within  six  years  "construct  and 
fully  equip  a  good  and  efficient  railroad  from  Leavenworth 
City"  through  the  reservation  and  to  its  western  boundary. 
When  this  period  drew  to  a  close  the  railroad  company  had 
not  purchased  the  Pottawatomie  lands.  A  new  treaty  con- 
cluded between  the  Government  and  representatives  of  this 
tribe  on  February  27,  1867,  was  amended  by  the  Senate  in 
Executive  session  July  25,  1868,  in  several  particulars. 
Among  these  amendments  it  was  provided  that  since  the 
Leavenworth,  Pawnee  and  Western  Railroad  company,  their 
successors  and  assigns,  had  failed  to  purchase  said  lands, 
the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  Railroad  company  might 
within  thirty  days  after  the  promulgation  of  the  treaty,  pur- 
chase of  the  said  Pottawatomies,  their  remaining  unallotted 
lands,  "except  as  hereinafter  provided,  at  the  price  of  one 
dollar  per  acre  lawful  money  of  the  United  States.  .  .  ." 


74  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

There  was  to  be  no  delay.  The  Secretary  of  the  Interior  was 
to  grant  certificates  of  purchase  as  soon  as  the  Company  had 
filed  a  bond  for  the  purchase  and  payment  of  the  lands.  Fur- 
thermore, the  Company  was  given  five  years  in  which  to  pay 
for  the  tract,  with  interest  at  the  rate  of  six  per  cent,  on 
all  deferred  payments  until  the  whole  purchase  price  was 
paid.  By  this  deal,  which  was  effected  through  the  Kansas 
delegation  in  the  United  States  Senate,  Mr.  Holliday  se- 
cured a  tract  of  nearly  400,000  acres,  which  was  liquidated 
steadily  into  cash,  and  from  which  the  Company  soon  realized 
several  hundred  thousand  dollars,  funds  that  aided  enor- 
mously in  the  early  construction  of  the  road.  Mr.  D.  L. 
Lakin,  who  had  been  prominent  in  assisting  Col.  Holliday, 
was  appointed  Land  Commissioner  and  he  at  once  began  the 
appraisal  of  the  Pottawatomie  lands  with  a  view  to  their 
early  disposal.  Within  a  very  few  months  these  arrange- 
ments were  completed  and  the  rapid  sale  of  the  property 
wholly  justified  expectations. 

With  adequate  financial  measures  having  thus  been  pro- 
vided, the  actual  construction  of  the  Santa  Fe  railroad  was 
now  to  begin.  On  getting  the  defaulted  Beach  contract  in 
1868,  Dodge,  Lord  &  Co.  arranged  with  Thomas  J.  Peter  of 
Cincinnati,  one  of  the  firm,  whereby  Peter  became  the  as- 
signee of  Beach.  Peter  then  contracted  with  the  members 
of  his  own  firm  to  build  the  first  twenty-five  miles,  from 
Topeka  to  Burlingame.  The  arrangement  proved  satisfac- 
tory, and  T.  J.  Peter  became  the  first  builder  of  the  Santa 
Fe.  He  was  the  first  engineer  and  contractor  who  would  risk 
attempting  what  many  thought  was  a  futile  project.  It  is 
said  that  when  Peter  first  went  out  to  Kansas  to  look  the 
ground  over  he  did  so  with  misgivings,  with  no  idea  that  a 
road  built  across  the  prairies  would  ever  be  a  success.  But  as 
he  traveled  out  over  the  plains  and  saw  the  herds  of  countless 


■    9 


The  Begvrmmgs  of  a  Great  Railroad  TO 

buffaloes,  he  concluded  that  a  soil  which  supported  infinite 
numbers  of  these  animals  could  likewise  support  mankind. 
Peter  also  consulted  Senator  Preston  B.  Plumb  of  Kansas 
as  to  the  likelihood  of  the  railroad  being  a  success.  Plumb 
strongly  endorsed  the  proposition.  Having  once  decided  to 
start  operations,  Peter  was  not  a  man  who  turned  back. 

Ground  was  broken  for  the  first  construction  of  the  Santa 
Fe  early  in  November,  1868.  There  was  a  little  opening 
ceremony.  A  party  of  some  twenty  citizens  assembled  in 
Topeka  at  a  spot  where  the  company's  shops  now  stand 
and  threw  up  a  pile  of  dirt.  There  was  some  speech-making 
with  Senator  E.  G.  Ross  as  the  chief  orator.  After  relating 
some  of  the  trials  that  had  been  undergone  in  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  railroad  company  the  Senator  was  glad  "after 
an  absence  of  four  years  in  the  army  and  three  years  in 
the  United  States  Senate"  to  return  to  Topeka  and  throw 
the  first  shovel  of  earth  upon  the  grading  of  the  railroad 
which  ten  years  ago  he  had  helped  to  organize.  He  was 
happy  that  he  had  been  instrumental  in  helping  to  promote 
a  company  that  "in  a  few  years  at  most  would  be  of  so  much 
consequence  to  the  state."  Col.  Holliday  is  also  said  to 
have  mounted  the  pile  and  to  have  made  a  speech  in  which 
he  predicted  that  those  present  would  live  to  see  the  road 
completed  to  Santa  Fe.  Laughter  greeted  the  remark  and 
it  was  not  the  last  time  that  Holliday's  ambitions  were  to  be 
ridiculed.  It  was  planned  to  spend  the  winter  building  a 
bridge  across  the  Kaw  at  Topeka  and  in  making  prepara- 
tions to  lay  track  early  the  following  spring.  The  Kansas 
Pacific,  which  had  built  to  Topeka  in  1866,  was  of  much 
assistance  in  bringing  up  materials  from  the  east  via  Kan- 
sas City. 

Thomas  J.  Peter  who  thus  conducted  the  early  building 
operations  of  the  Santa  Fe  was  an  able  engineer  with  an 


76  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

interesting  personality.  That  he  made  a  strong  impression 
upon  the  Kansas  citizens  is  shown  by  these  cheerful  com- 
ments taken  from  a  Topeka  paper  at  that  time.  "The 
construction  of  the  road  is  under  the  personal  supervision 
of  T.  J.  Peter,  one  of  the  heaviest  stockholders,  than  whom 
it  has  not  been  our  good  fortune  to  meet  a  more  perfect 
gentleman,  and  withal,  a  more  thorough  business  man.  Hav- 
ing devoted  a  life  time  to  the  work  of  constructing  rail- 
ways, he  is  so  familiar  with  the  duties  imposed  by  that  kind 
of  enterprise  that  his  business  ways  are  almost  electric; 
his  habits  of  discharging  business  are  such  as  to  inspire 
the  assurance  that  the  work  will  be  prosecuted  with  the 
utmost  vigor.  He  comes  among  us  with  his  capital,  and  a 
character  for  integrity  without  a  blemish.  It  is  such  men 
that  make  a  nation  strong:  it  is  such,  men  that  our  people 
rejoice  to  welcome  in  our  midst.  It  is  such  enterprises  as 
that  in  which  he  is  now  so  zealously  engaged  that  our  people 
delight  to  foster." 

Interesting  stories  have  been  told  about  Peter.  It  seems 
that  he  was  strictly  temperate  in  his  habits,  and  would 
neither  smoke,  chew  nor  drink ;  but  his  profanity  when  once 
aroused  was  fearfully  sublime.  He  had  an  extraordinary 
memory  and  contrary  to  the  usual  methods  of  civil  engi- 
neers he  made  but  little  use  of  office  records.  It  was  his 
policy  not  to  issue  written  orders,  and  the  subordinate  who 
failed  to  remember  his  instructions  three  months  after  they 
were  verbally  given  was  likely  to  arouse  Peter's  profane 
wrath.  All  in  all  Peter  had  a  vigorous  personality,  was  an 
able  engineer  and  an  aggressive  leader.  To  say  that  his 
habits  of  discharging  business  were  such  as  to  inspire  con- 
fidence was  no  idle  talk,  for  he  produced  big  results.  He 
proved  a  worthy  instrument  for  Cyrus  Holliday's  ambi- 
tions, and  within  five  years  he  made  the  Santa  Fe  an  import- 


The  Begimdngs  of  a  Great  Railroad  77 

ant  railroad  in  which  there  was  a  suggestion  of  future 
greatness. 

While  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  railroad  was 
projected  southwest  from  Atchison  through  Topeka,  Em- 
poria, and  out  over  the  Santa  Fe  trail  to  New  Mexico,  con- 
struction, as  we  have  seen,  started  at  Topeka,  and  moved 
south  and  west.  It  was  two  years  before  Atchison  and  To- 
peka were  connected.  The  first  plan,  as  already  shown,  was 
to  build  twenty-five  miles  from  Topeka  nearly  due  south  to 
Burlingame.  This  route  led  through  some  fairly  good  coal 
deposits,  the  exploitation  of  which  could  and  did  furnish  the 
company  with  a  dependable  fuel  supply.  As  the  line  ad- 
vanced, it  opened  up  excellent  territory  which  was  tributary 
to  Topeka,  since  the  entire  southern  half  of  Kansas — south 
of  the  Kansas  Pacific — was  without  railroads  and  awaiting 
development.  Almost  from  the  outset,  the  construction  of 
the  Santa  Fe  into  this  region  attracted  capital  and  immi- 
grants from  the  East  beyond  all  expectation.  The  effect 
was  to  advance  the  price  of  real  estate  and  quicken  business 
in  general.  It  is  not  surprising  that  the  press  and  people 
of  Topeka  rejoiced  as  the  road  was  built;  nor  that  towns 
which  sprang  up  all  along  the  line  boasted  with  pride  of 
their  present  and  future  "prospects." 

By  the  latter  part  of  March  it  was  reported  that  ten 
miles  of  roadbed  was  ready  for  ties  and  rails,  while  rails  and 
fastenings  for  another  ten  miles  were  in  transit  from  St. 
Louis.  The  "fine"  bridge  over  the  Kaw  was  nearly  complete, 
which  allowed  a  direct  connection  with  the  Kansas  Pacific 
tracks  across  the  river.  The  work  now  progressed  steadily, 
and  late  in  April  an  excursion  was  made  by  a  party  of  dis- 
tinguished citizens  including  officials  of  the  company,  to 
Wakarusa,  a  village  twelve  miles  out  and  toward  which  the 
road  was  building.     The  track  had  been  constructed  only 


78  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

seven  miles,  but  the  excursionists  who  filled  two  passenger 
coaches  rode  proudly  over  this  stretch,  covering  the  distance 
in  thirty  minutes.  A  reporter  who  accompanied  the  party 
has  left  an  enthusiastic  account  of  his  experience.  "We  left 
the  city,"  he  says,  "at  three  o'clock  and  soon  were  steaming 
over  the  prairies  at  the  rate  of  fifteen  miles  an  hour."  The 
substantial  character  of  the  road  as  built — bridges  and 
masonry — "elicited  the  most  approved  commendations  from 
the  party."  The  ties  were  of  oak  and  walnut  and  the  rails 
iron,  56  pounds  to  the  yard.  "It  was  apparent  to  all  that 
the  roadbed  had  not  been  built  merely  for  the  purposes  of 
securing  franchises,  but  that  its  proprietors  designed  it 
for  service.  Superintendent  Noble  (of  the  Kansas  Pacific, 
a  guest),  pronounced  the  work  the  best  he  ever  saw  in  a 
prairie  country."  The  end  of  the  track  was  reached  in  a 
half  hour  and  the  remaining  distance  of  five  miles  was 
made  in  carriages.  Already  the  grade  was  completed  to 
Wakarusa  and  workmen  were  fastening  rails  to  the  ties  at 
the  rate  of  over  a  half  a  mile  each  day. 

At  Wakarusa  an  old-fashioned  picnic  celebration  with 
eating,  drinking  and  oratory  was  held.  While  much  elo- 
quence was  displayed  by  various  speakers  who  came  fully 
primed  for  the  occasion,  it  was  here  that  Col.  Holliday  is 
said  to  have  delivered  his  famous  "Wakarusa  speech,"  the 
climax  of  the  day.  Never  averse  to  making  speeches,  es- 
pecially on  behalf  of  his  railroad  project,  Mr.  Holliday  now 
had  reasons  to  be  hopeful.  After  years  of  struggle  he  had 
gotten  his  railroad,  at  least  a  small  one,  financed  and  its 
construction  begun.  He  had  just  ridden  over  seven  miles  of 
its  track,  five  miles  more  would  soon  be  ready.  Great  things 
now  were  sure  to  come.  The  longer  he  talked,  the  more 
fervid  his  inspiration  became.  So  he  boldly  an- 
nounced to  his  audience  that  some  day  the  road  would  cross 


The  Beginnings  of  a  Great  Railroad  79 

the  Rockies  and  reach  old  Santa  Fe.  This  nearly  took  his 
listeners'  breath,  but  the  Colonel's  ambitions  were  now  be- 
yond control.  The  railroad  thus  commenced  would,  he 
said,  grow  larger  arid  larger.  Erelong  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
Old  Mexico  and  finally  distant  California,  would  all  be 
joined  with  the  Mississippi  Valley  and  even  the  Great  Lakes. 
Holliday  then  assumed  that  famous  pose  with  which  it  is 
said  he  often  addressed  railroad  meetings  in  those  days. 
Facing  the  southwest  he  crossed  his  arms  in  the  form  of  a 
horizontal  X  on  a  level  with  his  shoulders  and  with  a  voice 
tremulous  with  emotion,  declared:  "Fellow  citizens,  imagine, 
if  you  please,  my  right  hand  as  Chicago,  my  left  as  St. 
Louis.  Eventually  the  railroad  we  contemplate  will  reach 
these  two  cities  and,  crossing  at  Topeka  the  intersection 
of  my  arms,  will  extend  to  Galveston,  the  city  of  Mexico, 
and  San  Francisco.  The  coming  tides  of  immigration  will 
flow  along  these  lines  of  railway,  and  like  an  ocean  wave  will 
advance  up  the  sides  of  the  Rockies  and  dash  their  foaming 
crests  down  upon  the  Pacific  slope." 

Many  stories  have  been  told  of  Holliday's  speeches  and 
all  are  united  as  to  the  wild  optimism  which  he  expressed. 
At  Wakarusa,  his  flight  of  oratory  and  unbelievable  proph- 
ecies were  too  much,  even  for  hopeful  spirits  of  a  frontier 
celebration.  Many  laughed  scornfully,  others  stared  in 
open-mouthed  amazement;  and  one  young  man,  a  local  wit 
named  Tom  Anderson,  is  said  to  have  flung  himself  down  and 
kicked  up  his  heels  in  an  agony  of  unrestrained  mirth,  at  the 
same  time  exclaiming,  "Oh,  the  damned  old  fool !"  But  it  was 
to  be  the  pleasant  irony  of  fate  that  the  "old  fool"  should  live 
to  see  his  prophecies  fulfilled.  While  few  if  any  persons  could 
have  shared  Mr.  Holliday's  extreme  hopes,  public  confidence 
had  been  aroused.  The  average  sentiment  was  doubtless 
fairly  and  moderately  expressed  in  this  extract  from  a  news- 


80  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

paper  account  of  this  excursion :  "From  the  expeditious  and 
satisfactory  manner  in  which  this  company  have  conducted 
their  work  the  friends  of  the  enterprise  can  rest  easy  as  to  its 
prospects.  There  is  no  mistake  about  it,  we  are  soon  to  have 
a  road  from  Atchison  to  Emporia,  and  a  good  one  too." 

Before  the  end  of  May  the  railroad  had  crossed  the  line* 
from  Shawnee  into  Osage  County.  On  the  17th  of  June, 
when  the  track  had  nearly  reached  Carbondale,  another  big 
excursion,  comprising  about  two  hundred  Topeka  citizens, 
with  invited  guests,  went  out  once  more  to  the  end  of  the  line, 
which  had  now  been  extended  into  Osage  County,  fifteen  miles 
from  Topeka.  The  road  had  more  than  doubled  in  length 
since  the  first  trip  and  so  the  party  proceeded  to  celebrate  in 
much  the  same  manner  as  at  Wakarusa. 

After  the  road  had  crossed  the  county  line  the  Shawnee 
County  Commissioners  promptly  issued  the  bonds  as  voted 
in  the  election  of  1867,  receiving  in  exchange  stock  in  the 
company.  A  train  schedule  was  next  arranged  and  an- 
nounced in  the  Topeka  papers  late  in  June.  This  is  the 
notice,  the  first  Santa  Fe  time  card,  as  it  originally  ap- 
peared : 

A.  T.  &  S.  F.  R.  R.  Time  Table 
Superintendent's  Office  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  R.  R. 

Topeka,  June  23,  1869. 

The  above  railroad  will  be  opened  for  business  on  Monday, 
June  28th,  1869,  between  Topeka  and  Carbondale  (17  miles), 
at  which  point  trains  connect  with  stages  for  Burlingame  and 
Emporia.  Trains  will  run  daily  except  Sundays  as  follows: 
Mixed  train  leaves  Topeka  at  6:15  A.  M.,  arriving  at  Carbon- 
dale 7:45  A.  M.  Passenger  leaves  Carbondale  10:10  A.  M., 
arrives  at  Topeka  1 1 :30  A.  M.,  connects  with  east  and  west 
trains  on  the  Kansas  Pacific.  Returning  leaves  Topeka  at  1 :00 
P.  M.,  arriving  at  Carbondale  2:00  P.  M.  Mixed  train  leaves 
Carbondale  4:00  P.  M.,  arriving  at  Topeka  5:45  P.  M. 

T.  J.  Peter,  Supt. 


The  Begwmmgs  of  a  Great  Railroad  81 

Having  thus  projected  the  railroad,  organized  it,  and 
secured  for  it  large  assets  in  the  form  of  land  grants ;  and 
since  he  had  financed  the  road,  got  its  construction  under 
way  and  in  formal  operation,  Cyrus  K.  Holliday  need  no 
longer  be  a  central  figure  in  this  narrative.  The  building 
of  the  Santa  Fe  was  to  go  on,  slowly  at  first  with  occasional 
delays,  yet  on  the  whole  steadily  until  its  present  greatness 
had  been  attained.  So  far,  the  genius  and  persistence  of 
the  promoter  have  stood  out  in  bold  relief.  Now  the  force 
of  Mr.  Holliday's  great  personality  merges  into  that  of  the 
corporation  which  he  had  created,  and  he  ceases  to  be  so 
prominent  a  character  in  the  story.  Yet  be  it  remembered 
that  for  more  than  thirty  years,  until  his  death  on  March 
29th,  1900,  Mr.  Holliday  remained  an  active  and  efficient 
member  of  the  Santa  Fe  directorate. 

As  the  line  continued  to  progress  toward  Emporia,  sixty- 
two  miles  south,  a  boom  struck  that  village.  An  election  to 
vote  bonds  in  aid  of  the  approaching  railroad  was  held  on 
June  15th  amid  much  excitement.  As  to  the  outcome  of  this 
election,  an  Emporia  correspondent  wrote  to  a  Topeka 
paper:  "The  vote  on  bonds  to  the  Atchison,  Topeka  & 
Santa  Fe  R.  R.  to-day  resulted  gloriously.  Lyons  County 
sustains  her  record  in  favor  of  railroads."  The  bonds  car- 
ried by  about  350  majority,  which,  as  the  writer  claimed,  was 
"150  better  than  the  most  sanguine  supporters  of  the  bonds 
looked  for."  A  thorough  and  effective  canvass  was  made  and 
the  proposition  gained  rapidly  among  the  people  from  the 
first. 

Say  to  your  numerous  readers  that  there  will  be  two  railroads 
Emporia  in  a  year  from  now  and  tell  Holliday,  Lakin  and 

le  eastern  men  to  hurry  up  their  cakes. 
Things  are  lively  here.     Lots  that  went  begging  at  $500.00 

tree  months  ago  are  readily  gobbled  at  $1,000.00  now.     About 


82  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

one  hundred  men  are  in  town  awaiting  the  result  of  the  railroad 
vote.  Had  it  been  adverse  they  would  have  skedaddled  to- 
morrow.    As  it  is,  they  remain  and  go  to  work  to-morrow. 

Harry  Norton  to-day  sold  $10,000  worth  of  property  to  Dr. 
Griswold  of  Ohio.     Bancroft's  agency  is  overrun. 

Gen.  Schofield  arrived  to-day  and  is  at  the  National.  The 
quiet  way  in  which  he  came  and  in  which  he  acts  excites  the 
admiration  of  our  people.  No  one  knows  his  mission.  He  is 
dressed  as  a  citizen  and  don't  sport  any  fancy  dogs  or  willow 
jugs. 

Another  Emporia  citizen  who  signs  himself,  "Cceur  de 
Lion,"  wrote  at  the  same  time  to  the  same  paper: 

The  town  is  crowded  with  strangers  and  speculators;  real 
estate  steadily  stiffens  in  price;  the  good  time  so  long  coming 
is  evidently  at  hand.  The  crop  prospect  was  never  better;  the 
fortunate  holders  of  lots  hold  up  their  heads  with  new  dignity; 
everything  is  lovely,  and  the  goose  was  never  more  loftily 
suspended. 

By  the  close  of  1869,  the  road  had  been  constructed  28 
miles.  By  August,  1870,  it  had  been  extended  to  Emporia, 
thirty-four  miles  farther.  On  the  eighth  of  that  same  month 
the  citizens  of  Marion  County,  just  west  of  Lyons,  held  a 
big  mass  meeting  at  Marion  Center,  their  county  seat,  where 
it  was  resolved  that  a  railroad  from  the  Missouri  River  to 
Wichita  was  "one  of  the  most  feasible  and  important  of 
modern  enterprises";  and  that  the  immense  cattle  trade 
waiting  now  to  pass  over  such  a  road  would  certainly  make 
it  a  paying  line.  The  number  of  cattle  now  in  this  vicinity1 
was  double  that  of  any  previous  years   and  the   superior 

*It  has  long  been  the  practice  to  bring  the  rough  ranch  cattle  from 
the  southwest  plains,  notably  fron  Texas  into  East  Central  Kansas  and 
there  fatten  them  on  the  rich  pastures  that  abound  in  the  Cottonwood  and 
Neosho  Valleys.  Many  farmers  in  the  Mississippi  Valley  are  now  buy- 
ing this  class  of  livestock  and  "fitting"  it  for  market. 


The  Begkimings  of  a  Great  Railroad  83 

grazing  of  Marion  County  was  bound  to  increase  the  herds 
each  year.  It  was  further  resolved  that  since  they  were  on 
the  direct  line  of  the  new  route,  the  people  of  Marion  County 
stood  ready  to  do  all  reasonably  within  their  power  to  aid 
in  the  speedy  completion  of  the  road,  and  to  that  end  they 
offered  $150,000  in  county  bonds  to  the  first  railroad  to 
build   through  their  county   seat.2 

During  1871  the  road  was  built  from  Emporia  to  Newton, 
a  distance  of  about  75  miles.  Newton,  which  now  is  a  well- 
known  division  point,  was  reached  in  July.  Traffic  on  the 
line  developed  with  surprising  rapidity.  The  cash  receipts 
at  the  Emporia  station  for  December,  1870,  were  about 
$36,000.  The  gross  earnings  for  the  company  for  the  first 
five  months  after  the  road  was  built  to  Emporia  totaled 
$168,721,  with  running  expenses  less  than  50  per  cent.  So 
lively  did  business  become  that  it  was  necessary  to  purchase 
one  hundred  new  stock  cars  to  take  care  of  the  traffic. 

Construction  was  halted  at  Newton  for  several  months, 

where   considerable   traffic   was   developed,    since    numerous 

herds  of  cattle  were  steadily  arriving  from  northern  Texas 

to  be  shipped  east  over  the  new  road.   But  while  business  was 

good,  there  was  cause  for  anxiety.     It  will  be  remembered 

that  the  Congressional  land  grant  of  March  3,  1863,  had 

stipulated  that  the  line  must  be  built  across  Kansas  within 

ten  years.     Less  than  two  years  of  this  allotted  time  re- 

■Topeka  State  Record  Aug.  17,  1870.  It  was  customary  for  Kansas 
counties  to  vote  bonds  to  assist  in  the  construction  of  this  and  other 
railroads.  In  the  case  of  the  Santa  Fe  the  usual  sum  voted  by  a  county 
Was  $150,000.  The  Company  in  turn  gave  the  county  full  paid  stock  for 
the  bonds.  Likewise  many  townships  and  municipalities  voted  similar 
aid.  Definite  figures  as  to  the  amount  of  help  the  Santa  Fe  received 
from  these  sources  are  not  available,  but  it  was  considerable.  The 
state  of  Kansas  never  became  involved,  as  it  is  forbidden  by  its  constitu- 
tion to  become  a  party  to  enterprises  for  internal  improvement.  A  his- 
tory of  these  local  bond  grants  would  make  interesting  reading. 


84  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

mained  and  of  the  469  miles  to  be  built  from  Atchison  to 
the  Colorado  boundary  only  137  had  as  yet  been  completed. 
The  government  surveyors  had  not  yet  ascertained  the  pre- 
cise location  of  the  Kansas-Colorado  boundary  and  it  was 
not  known  just  how  far  to  build.  But  further,  and  of  far 
more  serious  importance,  times  were  not  good,  money  rates 
were  high  and  getting  higher.  The  cost  of  materials  was 
advancing.  It  would  take  $5,000,000  to  complete  the  three 
hundred  and  thirty  odd  miles  of  road  that  must  be  built  in 
record  time  to  save  the  all-important  land  grant.  There 
was  some  talk  of  requesting  Congress  to  extend  the  time  limit 
two  years  until  the  company  should  be  better  able  to  meet 
these  unprecedented  problems.  But  an  exciting  presidential 
contest  was  on  and  since  both  business  and  political  condi- 
tions were  uncertain  the  directors  decided  it  unwise  to  risk 
further  delay,  and  voted  to  build  the  "whole  line"  at  once. 
The  necessary  funds  were  raised,  construction  was  begun 
and  within  a  year  the  work  was  done. 

The  long  delayed  50-mile  line  from  Topeka  to  Atchison 
was  built  early  in  1872,  the  first  train  passing  over  this 
division  on  May  16th.  This  outlet  was  valuable  as  it  gave 
the  road  terminal  connections  with  a  number  of  important 
lines,  such  as  the  Hannibal  &  St.  Joseph,  Rock  Island,  Chi- 
cago, Burlington  &  Quincy  and  Missouri  Pacific.  A  good 
eastern  outlet  was  thus  secured,  the  Santa  Fe  was  no  longer 
forced  to  depend  solely  upon  the  Kansas  Pacific,  and  could 
now  route  its  own  shipments  directly  to  the  trans-Missouri 
River  railroads. 

In  the  early  spring  of  the  same  year  the  Newton  and 
Southwestern,  the  first  Santa  Fe  branch,  was  built  from 
Newton  to  Wichita,  some  27  miles.  This  road,  which  was 
built  nominally  by  private  parties  friendly  to  the  Santa  Fe, 
was  speedily  acquired  by  that  company.     A  story  goes  that 


The  Begwvnmgs  of  a  Great  Railroad  85 

General  Manager  T.  J.  Peter,  realizing  that  Wichita,  then 
a  village,  might  some  day  become  a  city  of  importance  and 
that  this  branch  would  soon  open  a  good  traffic,  strongly 
urged  the  directors  to  take  the  initiative  in  building  it. 
Chiefly  because  of  unfavorable  business  conditions  they  de- 
clined. Whereupon  Peter  raised  the  money  and  built  the 
road  on  his  own  responsibility.  The  directors,  now  convinced 
that  the  branch  was  valuable,  proceeded  to  buy  it  from  Mr. 
Peter,  who  charged  a  snug  profit  for  his  trouble. 

There  now  remained  about  285  miles  to  be  constructed 
from  Newton  west  to  the  State  line.  The  route  for  much  of 
.the  distance  followed  the  Santa  Fe  trail  along  the  Valley  of 
the  Arkansas;  it  led  through  wild,  uninhabited  prairies. 
There  was  some  fear  of  Indians  although  the  natives  gave 
no  serious  trouble.  And  this  enterprise,  a  great  undertak- 
ing for  a  small  and  struggling  company,  had  to  be  com- 
pleted within  a  year  or  the  larger  portion  of  the  land 
grant  would  be  lost.  Work  started  from  Newton  about 
May  1st,  1872.  The  line  had  been  laid  out  by  Engineer 
Albert  A.  Robinson,  assisted  by  James  D.  Burr.  Because 
of  the  level  country,  grading  was  comparatively  easy.  Ma- 
terials and  supplies  of  all  kinds  were  brought  over  the  line 
from  the  Missouri  River  and  brought  up  as  needed  as  fast 
as  the  line  was  extended.  The  track-laying  and  erection  of 
bridges  were  under  the  direction  of  James  Criley,  a  profane 
but  exceedingly  proficient  Irishman,  who  drove  construction 
hard  and  fast.  The  road  was  completed  and  opened  for 
operation  to  Hutchinson,  33  miles  west,  on  June  17 :  to  Great 
Bend,  51  miles  further,  on  August  5th ;  to  Larned,  23  miles, 
on  August  12th;  to  Dodge  City,  60  miles  beyond,  Sept.  19th; 
and  to  the  State  line,  which  the  government  engineers  were 
tardy  in  locating,  on  Dec.  28th,  when  cars  were  run  over 
the  entire  route  from  the  Missouri  to  Colorado.     The  land 


86  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

grant  was  saved  and  with  over  two  months  to  spare.  About 
360  miles  had  been  built  within  nine  months.  Moreover,  the 
road,  it  is  claimed,  was  remarkably  well  built,  much  better 
than  the  majority  of  western  roads,  "and  in  general  con- 
struction would  bear  comparison  with  the  best  roads  either 
East  or  West." 

By  the  close  of  1872,  then,  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and 
Santa  Fe  railroad  had  been  built  across  Kansas.  It  con- 
sisted of  a  main  line  stem  469  miles  in  length  from  Atchison 
to  Topeka,  then  south  to  Emporia  and  southwest  through 
Florence,  Newton,  around  the  big  bend  of  the  Arkansas 
through  Great  Bend,  Larned,  Dodge  City,  and  then  due  west 
along  the  valley  of  the  Arkansas  to  Colorado.  Also  there 
was  one  branch  nearly  28  miles  in  length  from  Newton  to 
Wichita.  Early  in  the  new  year,  a  slight  advance  had  been 
made  into  Colorado  under  the  charter  of  a  company  incor- 
porated in  that  territory.  Thus  the  first  formal  yearly  re- 
port of  the  Santa  Fe  directors,  issued  on  March  '31st,  1873, 
could  state  proudly  that  they  had  497  miles  of  railroad  in 
full  operation.  This  railroad  had  been  started  and  devel- 
oped within  four  years ;  while  about  362  miles  had  been  con- 
structed within  the  last  twelve  months.  Judged  by  the 
standards  of  that  time  the  road  was  thoroughly  built  and 
well  equipped.  It  was  for  the  most  part  laid  with  iron  rails 
of  size  56  pounds  to  the  yard.  The  ties  were  white  oak, 
2,600  to  the  mile.  The  embankments  were  wide;  the  cul- 
verts, bridges,  abutments,  waterways  and  cattle  guards 
were  nearly  all  built  of  stone. 

"Neat  and  capacious  depots  of  the  most  modern  type  were 
built  at  all  important  stations."  Engine  houses  of  stone 
and  brick  had  been  constructed  at  Atchison  and  Topeka. 
Similar  structures  of  wood,  and  numerous  water  stations 
had  been  erected  at  various  points  along  the  line.     There 


The  Begkmfaigs  of  a  Great  Railroad  87 

were  fourteen  "commodious  section  houses"  and  fifteen  en- 
closed yards  for  the  shipping  of  live  stock.  The  transpor- 
tation business  was  carried  on  with  38  locomotives,  20 
passenger,  2  sleeping,  755  freight  and  255  miscellaneous 
cars.  And  the  gross  earnings  of  this  small  but  ambitious 
railroad  for  the  year  ending  March  31,  1873,  totaled 
$1,172,013,  with  expenses  of  $748,210,  leaving  a  net 
balance  of  $423,803.  This  excellent  showing  had  been 
made  on  an  average  of  282.97  operated  miles.3  Perhaps  Col. 
Holliday's  notions  as  to  the  industrial  possibilities  of  the 
Kansas  prairies  were  not  so  foolish  after  all. 

Such  were  the  beginnings  of  the  Santa  Fe.  It  had  crossed 
the  state  of  Kansas  and  entered  Colorado  when  further  ex- 
pansion was  temporarily  cut  short  by  the  financial  panic  of 
1873.  Henceforth,  for  a  time,  the  company  was  to  pursue 
a  very  conservative  policy,  developing  its  property,  colon- 
izing its  lands  and  extending  its  lines  slowly  and  with  cau- 
tion. With  the  coming  of  a  great  executive,  four  years 
later,  the  Santa  Fe  was  quickly  to  emerge  from  these  sound 
beginnings  into  a  great  railroad.  But  let  us  next  glance 
at  the  frontier  which  this  railroad  created  and  then  de- 
stroyed— building  in  its  stead  an  industrial  empire  that  has 
become  a  vital  asset  to  this  nation's  greatness. 

*  Keeping  in  mind  of  course  that  during  most  of  this  period  the  road 
was  in  process  of  construction. 


CHAPTER  IV 


BUILDING  the  first  railroads  across  Kansas  made  pos- 
sible the  rapid  development  of  the  Northern  Texas 
cattle  business ;  and  it  led  to  the  equally  rapid  extinction  of 
the  buffaloes.  While  the  rich  pastures  of  the  Texas  Pan- 
handle were  capable  of  sustaining  vast  herds  of  cattle  just  as 
they  had  for  centuries  supported  countless  buffaloes,  the 
raising  of  cattle  in  this  region  never  could  be  attempted  on 
a  large  scale  so  long  as  they  had  to  be  driven  to  Missouri 
River  points  several  hundred  miles  overland  for  marketing. 
The  cattlemen  welcomed  the  Union  Pacific,  which  first  crossed 
the  plains.    At  once  the  practice  arose  of  driving  the  herds 

*This  chapter  is  presented  solely  as  a  picture  of  conditions  as  they 
were.  It  aims  to  depict  some  of  the  scenes  enacted  in  the  most  typical 
of  the  cattle  towns  that  sprang  up  at  the  "end  of  the  line"  as  the  Santa 
Fe  railroad  moved  westward  across  the  prairies.  The  writer  is  familiar 
with  these  towns  as  they  now  are,  having  lived  in  one  of  them  nearly 
two  years.  A  few  years  ago  he  visited  Dodge  City,  the  most  famous  of 
them  all,  and  carefully  interviewed  some  of  the  most  noteworthy  of  the 
survivors  of  the  early  days,  the  men  who  were  founders  of  the  town  and 
who  witnessed  the  incidents  herewith  reproduced.  Among  the  men  thus 
interviewed  were  Chalkley  Beeson,  Robert  M.  Wright,  G.  M.  Hoover, 
and  M.  W.  Sutton.  These  gentlemen,  one  a  ranchman,  one  a  business 
man,  one  a  bank-president  and  another  a  lawyer,  have  long  been  among 
the  most  respected  citizens  of  the  town.  Three  of  the  number,  Beeson 
Wright,  and  Hoover,  recently  died.  Mr.  Wright  has  written  some  in- 
teresting historical  accounts  of  his  early  experiences  on  the  frontier. 
While  many  of  the  smaller  details  of  the  stories  in  this  chapter  cannot 
be  literally  confirmed  they  are  given  as  the  concurrent  testimony  of  the 
four  gentlemen  mentioned  above. 


The  Railroad  Frontier  89 

northward  to  the  most  accessible  railroad  point  and  then 
shipping  them  in  trainloads  eastward.  So  early  as  1867,  in 
spite  of  restrictive  quarantine  laws  imposed  by  Kansas, 
35,000  head  were  shipped  from  Abilene,  in  that  state,  over 
the  Union  Pacific.  In  1871  about  600,000  head  were  received 
at  this  little  town.  In  the  summer  of  that  year,  it  will  be 
recalled,  the  Santa  Fe  reached  Newton  and  within  eighteen 
months  had  also  crossed  the  state,  running  from  eighty 
to  one  hundred  miles  south  of  the  Kansas  Pacific.  Since  the 
animals  could  now  be  shipped  from  points  still  nearer  the 
big  pastures,  the  cattle  business  at  once  passed  to  the  more 
southern  Santa  Fe  route,  and,  as  this  railroad  moved  west- 
ward, strange  towns  sprang  up  from  the  plains  at  the  "end 
of  the  line."  These  were  the  so-called  "cattle  towns"  of  the 
early  Seventies.  Their  origin  as  important  centers  was  due 
almost  wholly  to  the  sudden  influx  of  hundreds  of  cattlemen 
bringing  tens  of  thousands  of  cattle,  seeking  a  place  of 
shipment. 

So  in  the  fall  of  1871,  the  strange  frontier  conditions, 
the  booming  prosperity,  unrestrained  vice,  lawlessness,  crime, 
six-shooter  justice  and  "boothill"  grave-yards — where  men 
were  buried  with  their  boots  on — all  these  conditions  which 
had  characterized  Abilene,  passed  with  the  cattle  trade  to 
Newton.  A  few  months  later  as  the  railroad  advanced, 
Newton  was  to  divide  this  questionable  distinction  with 
Wichita,  on  the  south,  and  with  Raymond,  Great  Bend, 
Larned  and  Dodge  City  to  the  westward.  Lying  at  the 
southernmost  point  of  the  Santa  Fe  main  line  in  Kansas,  and 
hence  at  that  time  the  nearest  railroad  station  to  the  Pan 
Handle  country,  it  was  Dodge  City  that  became  the  most 
notorious  of  all  the  cattle  towns,  and  because  of  her  prox- 
imity to  the  cattle  country  this  town  held  this  notoriety  the 
longest  of  any  of  the  famous  prairie  towns  on  the  old  rail- 


90  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

road  frontier.  While  many  interesting  stories  can  be  written 
of  all  these  places,  Dodge  City  as  the  most  representative 
has  been  chosen  for  the  main  theme  of  this  chapter. 

A  story  goes  that  more  than  forty  years  ago  on  a  warm 
summer  day,  a  drunken  man  stumbled  aboard  a  Santa  Fe 
train  in  western  Kansas  without  having  troubled  himself  to 
purchase  a  ticket.  Now  the  conductor  of  this  particular 
train — we  may  call  him  Smith — was  a  little  man  who  served 
his  company  well,  but  he  stuttered.  Finding  the  inebriated 
passenger  snoring  serenely  in  the  smoker,  Smith  shook  him 
gently. 

"Whatcher  want?"  growled  the  irate  citizen. 

"T— ticket  p-pl-please !" 

"Ain't  got  none!" 

"W-well,  wh-where  you  g-goin'?" 

"Goin'  to  hell!" 

"Say,  m-mister,  g-give  me  a  d-dollar  and  I-I'll  let  y-y-you 
off  at  D-D-Dodge  City!" 

No  western  town  has  been  more  truly  western,  nor  has 
any  American  town  been  more  truly  American  than  Dodge 
City.  And  so  famous  has  this  place  become  that  it  is  now 
the  usual  practice  of  magazine  writers  to  make  Dodge  City 
the  setting  for  nearly  all  their  "gun"  stories.  While  most  of 
these  tales  are  highly  colored,  and  while  there  has  been  a 
tendency  to  over-emphasize  the  bad  and  to  overlook  the  good 
features  of  this  community,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the 
town  has  had  a  remarkable  past.  It  has  typified  all  that  the 
West  has  stood  for — an  utter  disregard  of  things  conven- 
tional, lawlessness,  six-shooter  justice  and  a  sham  social  and 
political  organization;  yet  these  lax  conditions  were  per- 
meated by  a  desire  for  things  better,  which  desire  finally 
resulted  in  a  triumph  of  law  and  order  and  in  the  creation 
of  a  sane  community  spirit. 


The  Railroad  Frontier  91 

In  years  back  this  little  straggling  town  on  the  Arkansas 
was  a  sort  of  crucible  in  which  all  the  diverse  elements  of  the 
plains — soldiers,  railroad  men,  merchants,  cattlemen,  gam- 
blers, divekeepers,  strumpets  and  roustabouts — were  fused 
into  a  composite  something,  and  that  something  was  the 
Dodge  City  of  popular  fancy. 

But  times  have  changed.  Busy  switch  engines  snort  back 
and  forth  where  whooping  cowboys  once  cavorted.  Mild- 
eyed  young  men  in  white  coats  draw  soda-water  where  fierce 
bartenders  in  buckskin  shirts  once  appeased  the  thirst  of 
bad  men.  A  peaceful,  law-abiding  town  of  about  four 
thousand  souls  is  the  Dodge  City  of  to-day.  Quiet  reigns 
there,  and  vice  is  conspicuous  by  its  absence.  Old  men  sit 
in  front  of  restaurants  and  pool  halls  and  swap  yarns.  Milk 
wagons  and  delivery  carts  rattle  harmlessly  about,  while 
automobiles  glide  in  all  directions.  A  Harvey  House  gong, 
thumped  by  a  slant-eyed  Japanese,  announces  the  arrival 
of  the  trains.  One  sees  along  the  streets  the  usual  aggre- 
gations of  banks,  barber  poles,  bakeries,  and  bill  boards.  A 
large  brick  school  house  stands  decorously  on  the  summit 
of  Boot  Hill,  once  famed  as  a  coffinless  cemetery.  A  dozen 
or  so  well-attended  churches  attest  to  the  piety  of  the  place. 
A  change  has  even  come  over  local  politics,  for  the  Mayor 
is  no  longer  the  leading  saloon-keeper.  There  are  no  saloons 
now  and  the  mayor  is  usually  a  prominent  business  man.  All 
this  sounds  commonplace  enough,  to  be  sure,  but  forty  odd 
years  ago  things  were  different. 

Dodge  City  originated  in  1872,  just  a  few  weeks  before 
the  arrival  of  the  Santa  Fe  railroad.  The  first  white  men 
to  locate  there  were  G.  M.  Hoover  and  J.  G.  McDonald,  who 
on  June  17th  started  a  retail  business  in  a  tent.  A  little 
later  that  same  day  the  firm  of  Cutter  and  Wiley  estab- 
lished a  supply  store,  which  building  still  remains.     These 


92  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

two  men  were  railroad  contractors,  and  they  were  joined 
almost  immediately  by  the  Masterson  brothers — of  six- 
shooter  fame — who  had  a  sub-contract  for  building  two  miles 
of  railroad  grade  directly  through  the  town-site. 

The  town  was  laid  out  in  August,  at  or  very  near  the  time 
the  railroad  arrived.  Ford  County,  in  which  Dodge  is 
situated,  was  not  organized  until  the  spring  of  1873.  This 
settlement  was  then  in  the  heart  of  the  buffalo  country,  and 
it  is  not  surprising  to  learn  that  the  town  was  first  called 
Buffalo  City.  But  in  applying  to  the  government  for  a 
postoffice  it  was  found  that  there  was  already  a  Buffalo 
Station  out  on  the  Kansas  Pacific,  and  another  little  town 
of  Buffalo — which  still  survives — in  Wilson  County.  Not 
caring  to  have  any  more  "Buffaloes"  in  Kansas,  the  Post- 
master General  in  granting  a  postoffice  sent  out  the  name  of 
Dodge  City,  in  honor  of  Fort  Dodge,  which  was  but  five 
miles  away. 

Having  thus  secured  a  railroad  and  a  postoffice  the  town 
began  to  grow;  and  it  also  commenced  to  assume  some  of 
the  commercial  importance  which  Hays  City  over  north  on 
the  Union  Pacific  had  been  enjoying.  In  fact  Dodge  secured 
some  of  her  most  noted  pioneer  citizens  from  Hays,  these 
gentlemen  being  keen  enough  to  see  good  business  openings 
in  the  new  town.  First  there  came  Jim  Kelly,  who  opened 
and  ran  the  well-known  Opera  House  saloon  and  who  later 
became  mayor  and  "all-round  man"  in  the  community.  Then 
came  A.  B.  Webster  and  R.  W.  Evans,  both  with  stocks  of 
merchandise.  They  were  followed  by  Jim  Hanahan  who  be- 
came the  first  state  representative  from  Ford  County,  to- 
gether with  Moses  Waters,  a  prosperous  liquor  dealer,  and 
other  enterprising  characters. 

Having  thus  gotten  into  the  school  geographies  through 
the  conventional  means  of  a  railroad  and  a  postoffice,  Dodge 


The  Railroad  Frontier  93 

City  then  proceeded  to  put  herself  upon  the  map  in  more 
thorough-going  style.  First,  business  was  needed,  for  there 
were  several  well-equipped  stores  and  bar-rooms  awaiting 
customers.  Big  business  came.  The  railroads  had  brought 
many  hunters  onto  the  plains  and  the  slaughter  of  the  buf- 
faloes was  then  at  its  height  and  freight  traffic  came  with 
leaps  and  bounds.  Almost  from  the  outset  hundreds  of  cars 
loaded  with  buffalo  hides  and  meats  were  shipped  eastward. 
And  each  day  there  were  arriving  from  the  east  dozens  of 
carloads  of  grain,  flour,  provisions,  spirits,  and  other  fron- 
tier supplies.  Within  a  year  the  town  had  acquired  a  large 
floating  population.  Aside  from  being  the  shipping  point 
for  Fort  Dodge,  an  important  military  post  nearby,  it  was 
the  headquarters  for  hundreds  of  trappers,  traders,  hunters, 
settlers,  and  hither  came  the  cattlemen  with  dusty,  panting 
herds  of  Texas  long-horns.  These  men  caroused  frequently, 
to  be  sure,  but  they  also  bought  supplies,  and  their  patron- 
age made  for  good  business. 

It  is  said  that  the  local  firm  of  Charles  Rath  and  Com- 
pany once  wired  Long  Brothers  of  Kansas  City  for  two 
hundred  cases  of  baking  powder,  to  be  forwarded  at  once. 
Astounded  at  so  large  an  order  from  a  frontier  town  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Kansas  City  concern  went  to  Col.  W.  E.  Askew, 
a  prominent  hide-buyer  who  was  supposed  to  know  all  about 
Western  Kansas,  and  inquired  if  the  order  could  be  bona  fide. 
Askew  thought  it  looked  queer  and  telegraphed  Rath  &  Co. 
to  find  if  there  had  not  been  a  mistake.  Their  reply  was, 
"No  mistake.  Double  the  order."  Arriving  in  Dodge  City 
on  a  business  trip  a  few  days  later,  the  Colonel  saw  seven  or 
eight  carloads  of  flour  stacked  up  in  a  single  warehouse, 
and  he  was  then  glad  to  admit  that  still  more  baking  powder 
might  be  needed. 

Few  rich  mining  camps  ever  have  equaled  the  boom  days 


94  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

at  Dodge  City.  The  plains  swarmed  with  buffaloes  and  a 
good  hunter  could  make  one  hundred  dollars  a  day  killing 
these  beasts  for  their  skins.  Money  was  over-plentiful.  A 
quarter  was  the  smallest  change,  and  no  item  sold  for  less 
than  that  amount.  A  drink  of  whisky,  a  shave,  a  box  of 
matches,  or  a  plug  of  tobacco,  all  sold  for  the  same  price, 
twenty-five  cents. 

Now,  it  is  not  surprising  that  a  town  of  this  kind  would 
attract  all  kinds  of  persons,  good,  bad  and  indifferent ;  and 
that  occasionally  there  arose  feuds  and  personal  differences 
which  required  immediate  adjustment. 

Gambling  and  painted  women  were  the  chief  cause  of 
most  of  Dodge  City's  violence;  race  prejudice  was  also 
a  factor.  The  town  started  out  peaceably  enough  and  had 
it  not  been  for  the  steady  influx  of  these  two  lawless  ele- 
ments, its  early  history  might  read  differently.  But  the 
women  and  the  gamblers  came,  together  with  three-card 
monte,  poker,  faro,  and  roulette — and  with  this  combination 
came  trouble  swift  and  certain. 

The  first  man  killed  in  Dodge  was  a  negro  called  "Tex." 
He  had  had  some  trouble  with  a  gambler  known  as  "Denver," 
and  it  seems  the  two  parted  without  effecting  a  settlement. 
Procuring  a  gun  "Denver"  stationed  himself  over  Jim  Kel- 
ly's saloon  and  lay  in  wait  for  his  victim.  "Tex,"  uncon- 
scious of  danger,  happened  along  soon  afterward,  and  was 
shot  through  the  top  of  the  head.  For  this  crime  "Denver" 
was  not  seriously  molested. 

In  the  spring  of  1873  another  negro,  who  drove  a  hack 
to  and  from  Fort  Dodge,  was  killed.  It  appears  that  while 
he  was  temporarily  absent  from  his  rig,  a  gang  of  saloon 
loafers  took  possession  of  it  and  started  out  for  a  hilarious 
ride.  The  colored  driver  on  reappearing,  ran  indiscreetly 
after  the  crowd,  protesting  against  their  conduct,  and  he 
was  shot  down  in  cold  blood.     This  murder  caused  trouble, 


The  Railroad  Frontier  95 

for  the  dead  man  was  or  had  been  a  private  employee  of 
Col.  R.  I.  Dodge  out  at  the  fort.  Col.  Dodge  at  once  started 
an  investigation,  which  resulted  in  sending  Hicks,  one  of  the 
gang,  to  the  penitentiary.  "Scotty,"  an  accomplice,  hid  iri 
an  ice  box  in  Peacock's  saloon,  and  although  the  town  was 
surrounded  by  United  States  cavalry,  he  was  spirited  safely 
away  that  night.  Hicks'  confession  of  guilt  was  candid. 
After  the  murder,  the  corpse  had  been  thrown  upon  the 
sidewalk  and  covered  with  a  buffalo  hide.  Walking  up  to 
the  body  and  coolly  jerking  aside  its  covering,  Hicks  pointed 
to  a  certain  bullet  hole,  with  the  remark,  "I  shot  him  there !" 

During  the  first  year  of  Dodge  City's  existence  about 
fourteen  men  were  shot.  This  high  rate  of  crime  may  have 
been  due  partly  to  the  fact  that  the  county  was  then,  as 
already  noted,  unorganized.  For  judicial  purposes  it  was 
attached  to  Ellis  county  on  the  north,  which  arrangement 
made  the  courts  of  justice  cumbersome;  in  fact  so  slowly  did 
criminal  justice  move  that  men  usually  preferred  to  redress 
their  own  grievances. 

Even  during  the  balmiest  days  the  spirit  of  law  was  never 
entirely  lacking  in  Dodge.  Besides  the  above-mentioned 
lack  of  a  county  organization  which  worked  a  severe  judicial 
handicap,  for  over  a  year  the  town  was  rent  into  factions. 
At  first  there  was  a  civil  and  a  military  division,  many  citi- 
zens hotly  resenting  the  right  of  soldiers  from  the  fort  to 
make  arrests  in  the  town  even  when  lawlessness  was  openly 
defiant.  Other  men,  of  course,  clamored  for  an  orderly  com- 
munity even  if  martial  law  were  required  to  secure  it. 

With  the  coming  of  the  cattle  trade  which  followed  closely 
the  arrival  of  the  railroad,  matters  took  on  a  new  aspect. 
The  town  then  split  into  "gang"  and  "anti-gang"  elements, 
the  latter  faction  adhering  politically  to  the  county  outside 
as  opposed  to  Dodge  City  proper.  This  was  just  after 
Ford  County  had  been  organized. 


96  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

The  cowboys  who  now  started  coming  to  town  in  great 
numbers  were  not  always  so  bad  as  they  have  been  repre- 
sented. Often — too  often — they  would  begin  a  riotous  cele- 
bration shooting  out  lights  and  committing  other  acts  of 
violence  that  were  not  conducive  to  public  safety.  Again, 
they  would  take  exception  to  the  extortionate  business  meth- 
ods practiced  by  the  gamblers  and  saloonmen  and  "start 
trouble."  There  were,  of  course,  marshals,  and  more  marshals 
to  preserve  peace  when  possible ;  and  these  officials  naturally 
stood  in  with  the  "gang"  or  town  clique.  As  a  result,  the 
cowboys  usually  got  the  worst  of  it  though  they  managed 
now  and  then  to  create  a  lot  of  excitement  in  their  efforts 
to  even  up  their  alleged  wrongs. 

Several  extracts  from  the  correspondence  between  Colonel 
R.  I.  Dodge,  Commandant  at  the  fort,  and  Governor  Thomas 
Osborn  of  Kansas  are  here  reproduced.  They  furnish  a  good 
contemporary  picture  of  the  conditions  that  prevailed  in 
1873  and  they  also  show  the  inevitable  difficulties  that  arise 
when  military  and  civil  authority  conflict. 

To  Governor  Thomas  Osborn, 
Leavenworth,  Kansas. 
A  most  foul  and  cold-blooded  murder  committed  last  night  by 
ruffians  in  Dodge  City.     County  organized  but  no  election  yet. 
Had  nobody  with  power  to  act.     Please  authorize  the  arrest  of 
murderers. 

Richard   I.   Dodge, 
Major  Third  Inf.  Comdg. 

Leavenworth,  Kan., 

June  4,  1873. 
To  Richard  I.  Dodge, 

Major  Comdg.  Third  Infantry, 

Fort  Dodge,  Kansas. 
Until  Ford  County  is  fully  organized  you  are  authorized  to 
hold,  subject  to  orders  of  the  civil  authorities  of  the  proper 


The  Railroad  Frontier  97 

judicial  districts,  all  persons  notoriously  guilty  of  a  violation 
of  the  criminal  laws  of  this  state.  I  desire  that  you  should 
exercise   authority  with  great  care  and   only  in  extreme  cases. 

Thomas  A.  Osborn, 
Governor  of  Kansas. 

A  few  weeks  later  the  Colonel  addressed  to  the  Governor 
a  long  letter  of  which  portions  follow: 

Fort  Dodge,  Kan.,  July  5,  1873. 
Gov.  T.  A.  Osborn, 
Topeka,  Kan. 

Governor: — Since  Judge  Brown  held  court  here  there  have 
been  two  more  attempts  at  murder  in  Dodge  City,  a  negro  being 
the  sufferer  in  each  case.  The  man  shot  last  night  will  probably 
die,  being  wounded  in  head  and  lungs. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  invite  your  attention  to  the  fact  that 
I  am  not  the  proper  person  to  exercise  civil  authority.  Sec.  18, 
Act  Appd.  July  15,  1872,  provides  that  any  officer  of  the  army 
on  the  active  list  who  shall  exercise  the  functions  of  a  civil 
office  shall  thereby  vacate  his  commission. 

In  making  the  arrest  of  the  murderers  in  the  Taylor  case  I 
exercised  no  function  of  civil  office,  but  simply,  as  a  citizen, 
obeyed  the  order  of  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  state.  Should  I, 
however,  continue  to  make  arrests  of  "persons  found  violating 
the  criminal  laws  of  Kansas"  it  might  be  argued  that  I  was 
violating  the  spirit  if  not  the  letter  of  the  law  quoted. 

Besides  this,  there  is,  as  you  know,  throughout  the  whole 
country  a  very  great  jealousy  on  the  part  of  civilians  and 
civilian  officers  of  any  interference  of  the  military,  and  officers 
of  the  army  are,  and  must  be,  extremely  careful  of  their  actions 
in  such  cases. 

In  declining  to  act  any  further  against  the  ruffians  of  Dodge 
City  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  make  a  statement  of  some  facts  and  to 
point  out  some  difficulties  under  which  you  will  labor  in  under- 
taking to  bring  the  town  under  the  control  of  law. 

Every  one  who  has  had  experience  of  life  in  railroad  and 
mining  towns  in  unorganized  counties  or  territories  beyond  the 
reach  of  civil  law  is  perfectly  aware  of  the  necessity  of  "vigil- 


98  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

ance  committees,"  so-called  organizations  which  take  upon  them- 
selves the  right  and  duty  of  punishing  crime  when  otherwise  it 
would  go  on  unpunished  and  unpunishable.  Were  it  not  for  such 
organizations  life  and  property  would  be  at  the  mercy  of  villains 
ejected  from  law-abiding  communities  and  whose  only  hope  of 
life  outside  of  jails  is  the  absence  of  the  authority  of  law. 

So  long  as  these  organizations  confine  themselves  to  the 
legitimate  object  of  punishing  crime  they  are  not  only  laudable 
but  absolutely  necessary.  It  is  not  often  that  the  property- 
owning  and  valuable  class  of  citizens  is  strong  enough  to  do 
this  work  alone.  They  are  obliged  to  receive  into  their  organiza- 
tions some  of  the  roughs.  These  in  turn  take  in  others  worse 
than  themselves,  until,  as  I  have  often  seen  it,  a  vigilance  com- 
mittee organized  by  good  men  in  good  faith  has  become  after  a 
while  simply  an  organized  band  of  robbers  and  cutthroats. 

Another  difficulty:  Having  banded  together  and  taken  certain 
obligations  as  to  secrecy,  mutual  protection  of  the  good  men 
sometimes  finds  them  obliged  to  aid  and  abet  what  in  their  own 
hearts  they  know  to  be  cold-blooded  crime  perpetrated  by  their 
associates.  The  town  of  Dodge  City  is  under  the  control  of  such 
a  band  of  vigilantes — some  good  men,  some  bad.  The  murder 
of  Taylor  was  committed  by  these  vigilantes,  who  were  called 
together  on  the  first  alarm,  then  dispersed  to  search  for  Taylor, 
and  while  Scott  and  Hicks  (vigilantes  both)  dragged  him  from 
the  drug  store  and  shot  him  to  death  at  least  a  dozen  other 
vigilantes  stood  by  ready  and  obliged  to  take  a  hand  in  the  shoot- 
ing if  necessary.  Among  them  were  good  men  who  would  be 
shocked  at  the  thought  of  committing  individual  crime,  and  yet 
they  aided,  abetted  and  became  "particeps  criminis"  in  the  most 
cowardly  and  cold-blooded  murder  I  have  ever  known  in  an 
experience  of  frontier  life  dating  back  to  1848. 

Of  course  the  vigilantes  are  only  a  small  portion  of  the  popu- 
lation of  Dodge  City.  It  is  probable  they  do  not  number  over 
thirty  or  forty  men ;  but,  being  organized  and  unscrupulous,  they 
are  able  to  exercise  a  complete  tyranny  of  terror  over  the  really 
good  citizens  who  lack  organization. 

In  selecting  a  man  from  Dodge  City  to  execute  the  laws,  you 
risk  appointing  a  member  of  the  vigilantes  (all  the  members 
being  known  only  to  themselves),  who  would  use  his  power  for 


The  Railroad  Frontier  99 

the  benefit  of  the  vigilantes ;  or  you  appoint  a  man  well  disposed 
to  carry  out  your  views  but  paralyzed  by  terror  and  utterly 
powerless  to  do  anything. 

The  government  is  supposed  to  give  protection.  It  protects 
these  citizens  from  the  Indians  at  great  expense,  yet  leaves  them 
to  the  tender  mercies  of  a  foe  a  thousand  times  more  bloody  and 
brutal  than  the  Indians  and  infinitely  more  dangerous  because 
he  is  in  our  very  midst.  ; 

I  sincerely  hope  that  you  may  be  able  to  devise  some  means  of 
giving  security  to  these  people. 

Richard  I.  Dodge, 
Major  Third  Infantry. 

The  governor  thanked  the  army  officer  for  this  communi- 
cation and  took  the  matter  under  advisement.  For  making 
civil  arrests  during  this  period  of  turmoil  Dodge  was  sub- 
sequently arrested  and  sued  for  $5,300  by  private  parties, 
but  Governor  Osborn,  through  Senator  Ingalls,  secured  the 
services  of  the  United  States  District  Attorney  to  defend 
the  Major,  and  the  case  fell  flat. 

Without  going  further  into  details  it  is  only  necessary 
to  say  that  Dodge  City,  like  other  frontier  places,  finally 
secured  peace  and  quiet.  While  during  the  worst  days  the 
south  side  of  the  railroad  tracks  was  given  over  to  saloon- 
men  and  gamblers,  the  north  side  was  usually  kept  respect- 
able. In  taming  the  town,  heroic  measures  were  sometimes 
used.  The  old  calaboose  was  a  well  fifteen  feet  deep  in 
which  drunken  men  were  given  time  to  become  sober;  this 
effective  "cooler"  sometimes  held  four  or  five  inmates  at 
once.  The  final  cleaning  up  of  the  community  was  effected 
through  the  ability  of  certain  fearless  citizens  to  enforce  the 
law  backed  by  an  overwhelming  public  sentiment  that  de- 
manded law  enforcement.  In  the  long  run  this  town,  like 
every  other,  became  exactly  what  its  citizens  willed  it  to  be. 

It  may  be  worth  while  to  present  a  few  anecdotes,  both 


100  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

trivial  and  tragic,  which  characterized  its  existence  when 
Dodge  City  was  on  the  railroad  frontier. 

Old  Jim  Kelly,  a  well-known  barkeeper,  had  a  tame  bear 
named  Paddy.  Now  Paddy  was  something  of  a  town  pet 
although  the  boys  were  in  the  habit  of  tormenting  the  brute 
now  and  then.  One  morning,  after  enduring  an  uncommon 
lot  of  persecution,  Paddy  ran  into  the  Dodge  House,  the 
leading  hotel,  looking  for  protection. 

It  happened  that  one  of  the  downstairs  guest  rooms  was 
occupied  by  a  commercial  traveler,  just  in  from  the  East. 
Having  retired  late  the  night  before  he  still  was  asleep,  and 
as  the  weather  was  warm  his  door  stood  ajar.  Into  this 
room  rushed  Paddy  who  sought  refuge  under  the  bed.  For 
a  time  all  was  quiet  save  for  the  heavy  breathing  of  the  tired 
wayfarer. 

Finding  he  no  longer  was  pursued  the  bear  finally  began 
to  feel  uncomfortable,  since  there  was  none  too  much  room 
between  the  bed  slats  and  the  floor.  While  Bruin  was  chang- 
ing his  position  the  bed — mattress,  covers,  traveling-man, 
slats,  springs  and  all  were  heaved  wildly  about,  which 
quickly  brought  the  slumberer  to  his  senses.  Hastily  peer- 
ing under  the  wrecked  bed,  he  saw  two  fiery  eyes  glaring  at 
him.  And  Paddy,  thinking  perhaps  that  his  tormentors  had 
returned,  ventured  to  growl.  The  next  instant  the  hotel 
clerk  heard  a  yell  and  a  white  figure  shot  through  the  office 
and  out  of  doors.  Clad  only  in  a  night  shirt,  the  scared 
visitor  sprinted  the  entire  length  of  Front  Street,  never 
stopping  until  he  reached  the  depot.  Here  he  was  overtaken 
by  a  couple  of  citizens  who,  after  reassuring  him  that  there 
was  no  danger,  escorted  him  back  to  the  hotel.  It  is  said 
that  the  traveling-man  left  town  on  the  next  east-bound 
train. 

One  day  a  cowpuncher  came  to  town  bent  on  having  a 


The  Railroad  Frontier  101 

good  time.  So  he  strolled  into  the  Green  Front  saloon  and 
played  his  money  on  a  game  of  chance.  In  a  short  time 
the  cattleman  was  a  serious  loser  and,  angry  at  this  ill  luck, 
he  determined  to  bring  "charges"  against  the  proprietor  of 
the  place  for  running  a  gambling  house  in  defiance  of  the 
law.  So  he  hunted  up  the  Honorable  Mr.  Wright,  mayor 
of  the  town,  and  after  introducing  himself  presented  his 
case  somewhat  after  this  manner: 

"A  feller  in  that  'er  Green  Front  has  just  robbed  me  of 
mor'n  sixteen  dollars  and  I  wants  ter  have  'im  pulled." 

"Been  gamblin',  have  ye?"  retorted  Mr.  Wright.  Then, 
addressing  the  city  marshal,  Bill  Tilghman,  who  was  just 
crossing  the  street,  he  shouted,  "Here,  Bill,  is  a  fellow  who's 
been  gamblin'.    Run  him  in !" 

So  the  prisoner  was  hauled  into  police  court,  where  he 
was  fined  ten  dollars  and  costs  as  an  object  lesson  for  those 
who  might  presume  to  violate  the  anti-gambling  laws  of 
Dodge  City. 

There  once  was  a  cattleman  named  Peppard,  who  was 
heartily  disliked  by  the  Marshals  of  Dodge.  Whenever  he 
came  to  town  trouble  always  started,  and  the  following  story 
will  attempt  to  describe  one  particular  instance  in  which 
he  vexed  the  peace  officers  of  that  town. 

While  driving  up  a  number  of  cattle  for  shipment,  it  is 
alleged  that  Peppard's  boss  killed  a  negro  cook — this  being 
done  merely  to  please  Peppard,  with  whom  the  boss  was 
intimate.  On  arriving  at  Dodge  City  these  two  men  had  a 
falling-out  and,  in  the  language  of  the  time,  vowed  to  "get" 
each  other.  Peppard  soon  located  his  employer  behind  a 
saloon  bar,  and  blazed  away  at  him  with  a  charge  of  buck- 
shot. But  the  boss,  being  a  spry  person,  managed  to  dodge 
behind  an  ice  box  and  so  escaped  unhurt. 

The  boys  would  allow  no  more  shooting  in  the  "Green 


102  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Front"  and,  after  taking  away  Peppard's  gun,  they  admon- 
ished him  against  further  disorders  of  this  kind  and  told 
him  to  leave. 

But  Peppard  was  a  man  of  great  persistence  and  he  was 
determined  to  get  even  with  the  boss.  Procuring  the  services 
of  a  friend,  the  two  started  out  to  the  spot  where  the  negro 
had  been  killed,  about  twenty-five  miles  from  town.  On 
arriving,  they  dug  up  the  remains,  severed  the  head  with  an 
ax  and  started  back  to  Dodge,  having  what  they  thought 
would  be  sufficient  legal  evidence  to  convict  their  enemy  of 
murder.  When  it  was  presented  in  court  the  bullet  hole  in 
the  skull  was  claimed  to  be  prima  facie  evidence  of  the 
defendant's  guilt. 

The  case  was  well  argued.  The  prosecution  claimed  that 
producing  the  head  in  court  was  equivalent  to  all  the  body 
being  present.  The  bullet  hole  was,  of  course,  convincing 
proof  of  murder. 

The  defense  on  the  other  hand  claimed  that,  since  the 
crime  had  been  committed  miles  away,  the  remains  were 
naturally  scattered.  Hence,  if  Ford  County  had  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  head,  Comanche  County,  or  any  neighboring 
county  might  therefore  go  to  trial  over  the  other  portions 
of  the  body. 

After  much  deliberation  the  court  ruled  that  the  case 
should  be  given  a  continuance  until  the  remaining  portions 
of  the  body  could  be  produced  in  court — which  decision  so 
disgusted  Peppard  that  he  left  the  place  and  never  returned. 

It  happened  during  the  cattle  days,  in  1877.  Bat  Master- 
son  *  was  then  sheriff  of  Ford  County  and  his  brother,  Ed, 
was  marshal  of  Dodge  City. 

One  afternoon  a  gang  of  Texas  cowboys,  headed  by  a 
fellow  known  as  Corporal  Walker,  came  to  town.    It  seems 

1  Still  a  noted  character  wno  at  last  reports  was  in  New  York  City. 


The  Railroad  Frontier  103 

they  were  in  ugly  humor,  and,  taking  possession  of  a  dance 
hall,  started  trouble.  For  a  time  they  were  not  molested 
and  had  things  their  own  way,  until  their  conduct  became 
unbearable  even  for  Dodge  City.  So  the  proprietor  sent  a 
message  to  the  authorities  asking  for  help  and  to  this  re- 
quest the  Masterson  brothers  responded. 

Hurrying  to  the  building,  Bat,  who  was  some  distance  in 
advance,  entered  first  to  see  what  was  going  on.  It  was 
now  early  evening.  Ed  had  scarcely  reached  the  door  when 
he  met  a  Texan  named  Wagner  coming  out.  Always  quiet 
and  a  gentleman,  Ed  politely  remarked,  "Guess  I  had  better 
disarm  you."  Drawing  his  revolver  as  if  to  surrender,  the 
cowboy  suddenly  pressed  the  muzzle  against  Masterson's 
body  and  fired,  setting  fire  to  his  victim's  clothes.  Hearing 
the  report,  Bat  rushed  out,  only  to  see  Ed  stagger  away 
groaning  and  with  the  words,  "I've  got  my  dose,  Bat;  I'm 
done  for." 

Bat  did  not  stop  for  sentiment.  Leaping  from  the  side- 
walk into  the  shadowy  street,  he  exclaimed,  "Put  out  the 
fire,  Ed,  and  try  to  get  some  help  while  I  attend  to  these 
devils."  Scarcely  had  he  spoken  before  he  shot  Walker, 
the  leader — who  had  suddenly  appeared — once,  twice, 
through  the  lungs  and  through  the  side.  Wagner  was  shot 
down  with  a  single  bullet  just  as  he  was  coming  through  the 
door.    He  died  that  night. 

The  crowd  inside  stampeded  and  broke  for  cover.  Run- 
ning into  the  building,  Masterson  saw  that  his  work  had 
been  thoroughly  accomplished.  In  less  time  than  it  takes 
to  tell  it  he  had  avenged  his  brother  and  scattered  the  gang. 

Meanwhile,  Walker  had  managed  to  reach  the  rear  room 
of  an  adjoining  saloon,  where  he  fell.  Bat  Masterson  again 
rushing  from  the  dance  hall  found  Walker  missing  and  at 
once  trailed  him  into  the  self-same  barroom  only  to  find  him 


104  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

dead.  Coming  out  he  met  his  friend,  M.  W.  Sutton,  an 
attorney.  "Come  on,  Mike,"  said  Bat,  "let's  hurry  and  see 
how  poor  Ed  is  getting  along." 

So  they  ran  across  the  street  in  search  of  the  wounded 
man.  It  was  unnecessary  to  go  far.  Ed  had  staggered  to 
the  railroad  tracks  a  few  rods  north,  where  he  fell  and  was 
breathing  his  last  when  they  reached  him.  Overcome  with 
grief,  Bat  turned  away,  followed  by  Sutton.  The  hero  of 
a  dozen  gunfights  sat  down  on  the  sidewalk,  with  tears 
streaming  down  his  face. 

"It  will  grieve  poor  mother  to  death,"  was  all  he  said. 

Thus  did  three  men  die  in  one  of  the  many  tragedies  of  the 
old  railroad  frontier. 

A  well-behaved  tenderfoot  had  no  trouble  in  Dodge  City. 
While  there  is  no  authentic  record  of  unsophisticated  vis- 
itors ever  being  made  to  dance  at  the  muzzle  of  a  revolver, 
the  verdant  young  man  from  back  East  usually  got  what  he 
was  looking  for.  If  he  were  peace-loving  and  attended 
strictly  to  his  business  he  was  treated  with  respect.  If,  on 
the  other  hand,  he  sought  trouble  or  was  anxious  to  "show 
off,"  the  boys  could  always  accommodate  him. 

"Playing  Indian"  was  the  favorite  method  of  initiating 
curious  visitors.  As  might  be  expected  in  a  frontier  town 
in  those  days,  many  people  owned  Indian  trophies,  such  as 
war  bonnets,  shields,  bows  and  arrows,  beaded  shirts,  moc- 
casins and  leggings.  This  paraphernalia  was  turned  to 
good  account  in  many  a  joke  of  which  the  following  is 
typical.  Once  a  Hebrew  named  Cohen  came  out  from 
Kansas  City  for  a  hunt,  engaging  Chalkley  Beeson  as  guide. 
No  sooner  were  the  pair  started  than  the  boys  arrayed  them- 
selves in  Indian  finery,  and  mounting  their  ponies,  made  a 
wide  detour,  secreting  themselves  in  a  ravine  near  which 
Beeson  and  Cohen  must  pass.    Having  traveled  several  miles, 


The  Railroad  Frontier  105 

Mr.  Beeson,  as  prearranged,  began  to  explain  to  his  com- 
panion that  Indians  had  been  seen  only  a  few  days  before, 
that  a  party  of  Cheyennes  had  been  committing  outrages  in 
the  vicinity  and  that  there  was  more  or  less  danger. 

Suddenly  a  fierce  warwhoop  was  heard  and  the  lonely 
hunters  saw  a  band  of  painted  "warriors"  headed  straight 
toward  them  at  full  gallop — not  two  hundreds  yards  away. 
There  was  nothing  to  do  but  race  their  horses  back  to  town 
if  they  were  to  escape  this  villainous  looking  crowd.  As  the 
yells  grew  louder,  Cohen  began  to  pray  for  deliverance. 
Luckily  for  him  he  had  a  good  horse,  so  swift  that  Beeson 
could  scarcely  keep  up  with  him.  So  the  baffled  "Indians" 
were  soon  left  far  behind,  but  they  reappeared  that  evening 
at  the  "Long  Branch,"  where  the  Jew  cheerfully  bought 
drinks  for  the  crowd. 

On  another  occasion  the  tables  were  turned.  A  young  man 
who  had  just  arrived  from  somewhere  in  the  East  desired  to 
fight  Indians.  He  was  warned  that  the  sandhills  were  full 
of  warriors  but  that  it  might  be  possible  to  bag  a  few  ante- 
lopes without  being  massacred.  So  after  the  usual  jaunt 
over  the  prairies  the  "attack"  began  and  as  usual  the  guide 
and  his  frightened  companion  galloped  madly  toward  town 
while  the  crowd  behind  screamed  and  fired  guns.  But,  as 
ill-luck  would  have  it,  the  visitor  had  been  furnished  a  slow 
horse,  which  soon  began  to  lag.  Finding  that  he  could  not 
escape  his  pursuers,  the  Easterner  suddenly  wheeled  about 
and  began  pumping  away  at  the  crowd  with  a  repeating 
rifle.  Due  to  his  excitement,  he  shot  wildly  or  somebody 
might  have  been  killed.  Finally,  to  avoid  bloodshed,  the 
would-be  jokers  threw  off  their  Indian  headgear  and  con- 
fessed that  it  was  only  a  prank  after  all. 

Time  has  worked  changes  upon  the  little  group  of  men 
who  made  stirring  history  in  Dodge  City.    Many  are  dead, 


106  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

some  are  scattered,  and  only  a  few  remain.  The  lives  of 
those  who  survive  have  blended  from  the  wild  frontier  days 
into  the  present  conditions  of  modern  life.  In  looking  back 
over  more  than  forty  years  they  have  seen  the  pastures 
turned  into  wheat  fields  and  the  cattle  trails  changed  to 
irrigating  ditches.  Within  their  memory  the  buffaloes  and 
the  Indians  have  disappeared,  and  the  picturesque  cowboy 
has  vanished.  And  so  we  now  turn  to  the  cause  of  this  great 
transition — the  colonizing  activities  of  the  railroad. 


CHAPTER  V 


COLONIZING    THE    PRAIRIES 


BUILDING  the  Santa  Fe  across  Kansas  entitled  the 
Company  to  about  3,000,000  acres  of  land.  This  was 
in  accordance  with  the  Congressional  Act  of  1863,  which 
gave  to  the  corporation  6,400  acres  for  each  mile  of  railroad 
duly  and  satisfactorily  constructed.  The  lands  were  granted 
in  alternate  sections  for  a  distance  of  ten  miles  on  each  side 
of  the  track.  Or,  to  aid  the  imagination,  the  road  was  to 
run  through  the  center  of  a  "checker-board"  strip  twenty 
miles  in  width,  and  every  alternate  square  mile  of  this  strip 
belonged  to  the  Railroad  Company.  The  remaining  squares 
which  comprised  the  other  half  were  retained  by  the  gov- 
ernment. 

This  was  assuming  that  none  of  the  lands  along  the  pros- 
pective route  would  have  been  taken  up  by  settlers  before 
the  road  was  built.  But  since  the  railroad  had  been  given 
ten  years  in  which  to  construct  its  line,  the  act  of  1863 
wisely  provided  that  if  when  the  road  was  built  and  the 
exact  limits  of  the  grant  were  thereby  determined  it  was 
found  that  any  portion  of  these  public  lands  had  already 
been  taken  up  for  settlement,  the  Company  should  be  given 
the  same  amounts  of  land  elsewhere.  In  other  words,  to 
receive  compensation  for  lands  that  might  already  have  been 
preempted  and  thereby  canceled  from  the  regular  limits  of 
its  "ten  mile"  grant,  the  Company  should  be  awarded  odd 
sections  outside  the  terminal  restriction,  farther  west.     It 

107 


108  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

was  further  provided  that  in  such  event,  no  lands  farther 
than  twenty  miles  from  the  railroad  should  be  awarded; 
which  was  supposed  to  guard  against  unfairness,  since  the 
market  value  of  the  land  naturally  depended  upon  its 
proximity  to  the  railroad.  Thus  in  effect  there  was  created 
on  each  side  of  the  regular  tract  a  supplementary  ten  mile 
zone  from  which  the  company  was  likewise  granted  alternate 
sections  of  so-called  "indemnity"  or  "lieu  lands." 

And  it  so  happened  that  within  the  eastern  limits  of  the 
grant  between  Atchison  and  Emporia,  practically  all  the 
public  lands  \\&d  been  taken  up  for  settlement  before  the 
building  of  the  road  and  the  consequent  withdrawal  of  the 
granted  lands  by  the  Federal  Land  Office  could  be  effected. 
Accordingly  the  indemnity  land  zone  began  at  or  near 
Cottonwood  Falls  in  Chase  County,  and,  to  insure  a  full 
compensating  acreage,  they  extended  westward  about  to 
Spearville,  in  Ford  County.  As  finally  determined,  therefore, 
the  Santa  Fe  land  grant  comprised  the  odd-numbered  sec- 
tions in  a  tract  forty  miles  wide  and  about  two  hundred 
miles  in  length,  extending  from  near  Emporia,  well  into  Ford 
County,  and  a  strip  twenty  miles  in  width  and  about  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty-five  miles  long  from  a  point  near  Dodge  City 
to  the  Colorado  line. 

Here,  then,  was  a  splendid  tract  of  land  of  which  the 
railroad's  shares  exceeded  in  area  the  state  of  Connecticut. 
The  land  lay  for  the  most  part  in  the  Arkansas  River  Valley, 
"the  only  belt  of  arable  land  extending  the  whole  distance 
between  the  Missouri  River  and  the  Rocky  Mountains." 
While  popular  prejudice  had  long  regarded  this  prairie 
region  of  little  economic  value,  its  importance  as  a  grazing 
country  had  already  been  recognized  when  the  Texas  cattle 
herds  began  to  move  northward  for  shipment  over  the 
Kansas  Pacific.     And  in  the  early  Seventies  it  was  soon 


Colonizing  the  Prairies  109 

found  that  the  Arkansas  Valley  lands  would  raise  excellent 
crops — that  they  had  unsurpassed  agricultural  possibilities. 
From  the  outset,  this  land  grant  had  been  of  the  greatest 
importance  to  the  railroad.  Its  acquisition,  as  a  definite 
asset,  had  doubtless  been  a  prime  consideration  in  encour- 
aging financiers  to  support  the  railroad  enterprise.  And 
with  this  grant  as  a  security,  the  Company  had  also  been 
able  to  borrow  $3,500,000  on  a  "land  mortgage,"  which  was 
getting  credit  on  the  approximate  basis  of  $1.25  per  acre. 
But  there  remained  a  larger  and  far  more  significant  prob- 
lem, that  of  colonization.  The  real  importance  of  these 
lands  lay  in  their  actual  disposal  to  individual  settlers — to 
settlers  who  would  not  only  buy  the  land  in  small  tracts  for 
farming  purposes,  but  who  would  settle  and  develop  the 
country.  Colonizing  the  land  grant  would  thus  benefit  the 
railroad  in  two  ways :  a  large  sum  would  of  course  be  realized 
from  the  sale  of  these  lands  to  individuals,  thus  providing 
additional  means  to  build  and  extend  the  road;  and  with 
the  lands  developed  into  prosperous  farms  a  perpetual  and 
increasing  source  of  traffic  revenue  would  be  created.  Inci- 
dentally, the  state  and  the  nation  would  be  the  chief 
beneficiaries;  for  this  colonization  meant  the  redeeming  of 
waste  places,  the  rearing  of  homes,  the  building  of  cities  and 
villages;  it  meant  the  permanent  westward  extension  of 
population  and  the  transformation  of  the  prairies  into 
wealth.     It  was  nation  building. 

In  order  therefore  to  utilize  this  grant  and  develop  its 
great  possibilities  an  efficient  organization  for  effecting  its 
sale  to  individual  purchasers  was  at  once  demanded.  To 
that  end,  in  1869,  an  office  had  been  opened  in  Topeka  under 
the  direction  of  D.  L.  Lakin,  the  first  Land  Commissioner 
of  the  Company;  and  from  this  beginning  there  finally  de- 
veloped the  Santa  Fe  Land  Department  which  was  to  begin 


110  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

and  carry  to  successful  completion  the  huge  task  of  "sur- 
veying, classifying,  appraising,  selling  and  colonizing  this 
great  body  of  land."  Lakin,  who  had  been  of  considerable 
help  to  Cyrus  Holliday  in  financing  the  railroad,  was  a 
native  of  Alabama  who  had  gone  to  Kansas  to  look  after  the 
land  interests  of  some  friends.  He  seems  to  have  had  some 
experience  in  this  business,  and  he  proved  a  good  official. 
His  first  duty  was  to  make  an  early  disposal  of  the  Potta- 
watomie Reserve,  of  which  mention  has  been  made.  These 
lands  were  fertile  and  easily  accessible;  they  were  offered 
to  the  public  on  five  years'  time  with  provision  for  annual 
payments  and  at  a  moderate  rate  of  interest.  Thus  they 
sold  rapidly  and,  as  was  intended,  they  proved  of  great 
help  in  financing  the  early  building  operations  of  the  road. 

To  secure  ready  cash  and  thereby  obviate  the  necessity 
of  waiting  until  the  numerous  deferred  payments  on  land 
sales  had  been  met,  the  Company  issued  Pottawatomie 
Land  bonds,  that  is,  borrowed  money  in  specified  amounts  at 
a  fixed  rate  of  interest  with  the  lands  and  time  sales  as 
security.  These  bonds  were  charged  to  the  railroad  con- 
struction account  and  as  fast  as  paid  and  canceled  they 
were  credited  back  to  this  account.  All  in  all  the  Company 
realized  a  handsome  profit  from  the  Pottawatomie  tract 
which,  it  will  be  recalled,  had  been  purchased  simply  as  a 
good  investment,  with  a  view  to  securing  the  needed  funds 
for  the  early  development  of  the  railroad.  With  this  brief 
consideration  of  auxiliary  land  operations,  we  turn  to  the 
important  problems  of  selling  and  colonizing  the  Santa  Fe 
land  grant. 

In  the  spring  of  1870  the  survey  and  appraisement  of  the 
grant  began  under  the  direction  of  Lakin.  A  party  of  nine, 
consisting  of  Mr.  Lakin,  Land  Commissioner,  a  compassman, 
a  flagman,  a  cook,  an  outfit-boss,  wagon-boss,  and  three 


Colonizmg  the  Prairies  111 

appraisers,  Capt.  R.  M.  Spivey,  Col.  A.  S.  Johnson  and 
J.  B.  McAfee,  began  the  work,  the  completion  of  which  was 
to  require  over  four  years.  The  party  started  at  Emporia 
and  worked  slowly  westward.  They  traveled  well-armed  in 
a  covered  wagon.  Frequently  they  met  bands  of  Arapahoes, 
Cheyennes,  and  Comanches  who  resented  the  invasion  of 
their  country;  but,  while  the  party  often  had  to  resort  to 
vigorous  diplomacy,  they  never  had  a  conflict  with  the 
savages. 

The  task  was  to  survey  and  ascertain  the  topography  of 
the  land  and  go  over  and  secure  a  description  of  each  sec- 
tion. These  descriptions,  together  with  the  appraised  values, 
were  then  forwarded  to  the  Commissioner's  office  in  Topeka, 
whereupon  the  lands  generally  were  described  by  counties, 
and  maps  were  made  of  each  county  along  the  line.  This 
was  done  to  facilitate  the  handling  of  land  sales.  The  com- 
missioner then  submitted  these  descriptions  and  estimates 
to  the  railroad  directors,  who  placed  definite  selling  prices 
upon  the  lands  in  question. 

Bad  health  soon  compelled  Mr.  Lakin  to  resign  and  he 
was  succeeded  in  1872  by  Mr.  A.  E.  Touzalin.  At  the  time 
of  his  withdrawal  Lakin  had  the  sale  of  the  Pottawatomie 
lands  well  under  way,  while  the  survey  and  appraisal  of  the 
land  grant  was  moving  steadily.  The  sale  of  the  grant  land 
had  been  started  with  the  appointment  of  a  few  local  agents 
at  the  east  end  of  the  grant.  The  most  noteworthy  of  these 
agents  was  the  firm  of  Case  and  Billings  at  Marion,  who 
were  to  be  the  means  of  locating  the  first  Mennonite  settlers 
in  that  locality. 

Finding  the  work  thus  well  started,  Mr.  Touzalin  now 
proceeded  to  organize  a  land  and  immigration  department. 
His  task  was  to  conclude  the  Pottawatomie  sales,  finish  the 
surveys  and  appraisal  now  about  half -completed,  and  above 


112  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

all  to  devise  a  plan  for  selling  and  peopling  the  land  grant 
with  the  greatest  possible  despatch.  Touzalin  seems  to  have 
been  well-fitted  for  the  work  at  hand.  He  was  a  man  of  great 
energy  and  fully  aware  of  the  future  possibilities  that  lay 
in  the  accomplishment  of  his  undertaking.  Having  appointed 
one  C.  P.  Bolmar  to  supervise  the  routine  details  of  his 
office,  Touzalin  first  ordered  a  continuance  of  the  surveying 
and  appraisement  which  was  now  proceeding  under  A.  S. 
Johnson,  R.  M.  Spivey,  D.  N.  Hizer,  and  a  civil  engineer 
named  Armstrong,  and  then  turned  his  real  attention  to  the 
securing  of  good  land  salesmen  and  colonization  agents  in 
the  older  states  farther  east.  Among  those  especially  de- 
sired for  this  work  were  country  editors,  teachers,  young 
lawyers,  and  professional  real  estate  men.  Local  sales 
agencies  were  also  established  in  all  important  towns  along 
the  line  from  Florence  westward. 

It  was  the  duty  of  these  men  to  arouse  interest  in  the 
company  lands  and  to  induce  people  to  go  to  Kansas  for  the 
purpose  of  viewing  and  purchasing  such  quantities  as  they 
could  afford  to  buy.  A  big  advertising  campaign  was  started 
which  brought  thousands  of  inquiring  letters.  Mailing  lists 
were  prepared,  followed  by  a  heavy  correspondence  which  in 
those  days  without  stenographers  and  typewriters  was  no 
small  task.  The  whole  enterprise  was  a  serious  undertaking. 
The  railroad  company  was  new  and  was  straining  every 
effort  to  expand.  Its  existence  depended  upon  expansion, 
for  its  traffic — the  life  of  any  railroad — depended  in  turn 
upon  the  opening  and  development  of  the  country.  It  was 
actually  creating  its  own  business  by  colonizing  a  wilder- 
ness. Times  were  hard.  The  country  had  just  passed 
through  a  severe  panic  and  money  was  scarce.  But  few  if 
any  salaries  could  be  paid  to  the  land  agents  who  were  to 
make  the  campaign  effective.     After  having  been  duly  com- 


Colonizing  the  Prairies  113 

missioned  as  representatives  of  the  Company  they  were 
furnished  with  a  quantity  of  advertising  literature  descrip- 
tive of  the  lands.  For  remuneration  they  had  to  depend 
upon  their  commissions  from  sales  actually  made. 

Mr.  Touzalin's  land-selling  campaign  soon  extended  from 
America  to  Europe.  His  greatest  performance  and  his 
greatest  service  to  the  railroad  and  to  this  country  was  to 
initiate  a  movement  which  resulted  in  the  permanent  removal 
of  about  15,000  Russo-German  Mennonites  from  Southern 
Russia  to  the  Santa  Fe  railroad  lands  of  Kansas.  The 
Mennonites  were  by  no  means  the  only  class  of  Europeans 
who  were  induced  by  the  Company's  Agents  to  settle  in  the 
Arkansas  Valley,  as  many  came  from  various  parts  of 
Europe.  But  they  were  the  largest  group  to  be  trans- 
planted and  their  coming  was  of  great  significance  because 
the  Mennonites  were  professional  farmers,  just  what  the 
country  needed.  They  brought  money  with  them  and  so 
had  both  the  capital  and  training  which  made  them  highly 
desirable  colonizers.  They  were  a  substantial  and  thrifty 
class  of  people  and  the  regions  they  settled  are  to-day 
among  the  most  prosperous  communities  in  the  country. 
To  understand  this  Mennonite  movement,  to  know  why  these 
excellent  people  left  thrifty  homes  in  Russia  and  emigrated 
with  all  their  possessions  thousands  of  miles  to  settle  on  the 
raw  prairies  of  Kansas  we  must  digress  briefly  into  European 
history. 

The  Mennonites  are  a  Protestant  sect  who  reject  infant 
baptism;  they  baptize  adult  persons  only  and  then  on  a 
profession  of  faith.  Chief  among  the  tenets  of  their  belief 
are  non-resistance  and  abstinence  from  oaths.  Their  creed 
thus  forbids  them  to  bear  arms  and  they  refuse,  from  re- 
ligious convictions,  to  do  military  service.  While  their  doc- 
trines include  some  of  the  main  principles  of  the  Baptists 


114*  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

and  the  Quakers,  the  Mennonite  denomination  preceded  both. 
Their  first  church  was  established  at  Zurich,  Switzerland,  in 
1525.  While  they  called  themselves  "Teufer,"  or  Baptizers, 
they  were  more  commonly  known  as  Anabaptists.  From 
Switzerland  the  sect  spread  rapidly  into  Southern  Germany 
and  Austria.  Augsburg  and  Strassburg  became  their  chief 
centers  and  in  these  cities  persecutions  broke  out.  The 
"Anabaptists"  were  especially  disliked  by  ruling  authorities 
because  of  their  attitude  toward  organized  governments, 
which  they  regarded  as  un-Christian ;  and  it  was  a  warlike 
age  when  non-combativeness  was  held  in  supreme  contempt. 
Following  bitter  attacks  in  which  about  3,000  of  their  num- 
ber suffered  martyrdom  a  large  number  migrated  into  Mo- 
ravia and  Holland ;  others  settled  in  Westphalia,  where  they 
continued  zealously  to  practice  their  faith  and  became  in- 
volved in  some  so-called  heresies.  About  1537,  Menno 
Simons  (1492-1559),  a  Roman  priest  and  religious  reformer, 
who,  becoming  dissatisfied,  had  left  the  Catholic  Church, 
joined  the  Anabaptists  and  at  once  began  to  organize  the 
sect.  Likewise  he  crystallized  their  beliefs  in  a  doctrinal  work 
entitled  "Elements  of  the  True  Christian  Faith,"  which  was 
published  in  the  Dutch  language  in  1539.  It  was  from 
Menno  Simons,  this  religious  teacher  and  leader,  that  the 
name  Mennonite  was  derived;  and  the  members  of  the  faith 
have  been  so  designated  since  the  middle  of  the  Sixteenth 
Century. 

In  Holland,  about  6,000  of  the  Dutch  Mennonites  were 
martyred  under  Philip  of  Spain,  when  the  Netherlands  re- 
volted. Although  William  of  Orange  was  friendly,  other 
Dutch  leaders  opposed  them  and  so  it  was  not  until  1651 
that  a  general  law  of  toleration  was  enacted  on  their  behalf. 
To-day  the  Mennonites  of  Europe  are  found  in  small  com- 
munities in  Switzerland,  in  various  parts  of  Germany,  and 


i 


Colonizing  the  Prairies  115 

in  Southern  Russia.  It  is  with  the  latter  group  that  we  are 
now  concerned.  In  1783  the  Crimean  Peninsula  and  a  strip 
of  territory  fronting  the  Black  Sea  were  ceded  to  Russia  by 
Turkey.  It  soon  occured  to  the  Empress  Catherine  II,  who 
was  by  birth  a  German  Princess,  that  the  German  Men- 
nonites,  whom  she  knew  to  be  a  sturdy  folk  and  splendid 
farmers,  would  make  good  colonizers  for  this  region.  It  was 
further  hoped  that  they  would  intermingle  with  the  natives 
of  the  Black  Sea  region,  thereby  improving  the  citizenship 
of  Southern  Russia.  Knowing  their  religious  peculiarities, 
Catherine  made  important  concessions  to  induce  them  to 
settle  in  Russia.  They  were  granted  immunity  from  military 
service,  freedom  of  worship,  and  the  privilege  of  local  self- 
government.  Furthermore,  each  family  was  granted  65 
desjardines,  about  160  acres  of  land.  These  concessions 
were  guaranteed  to  the  Mennonites  for  one  hundred  years, 
at  the  expiration  of  which  time  each  family  would  be  given 
title  in  fee  simple  for  the  65  desjardines.  Under  these  con- 
ditions large  numbers  of  the  Mennonites  went  to  Russia  and 
their  settlements,  which  were  first  made  along  the  Dnieper 
River,  soon  spread  into  the  Crimea  and  eastward  to  the 
vinicity  of  the  Sea  of  Azof.  Other  settlements  were  made 
along  the  Kuban  River,  near  the  Caucasus  Mountains :  along 
the  Volga  near  the  cities  of  Saratov  and  Samara,  and  in 
the  provinces  of  Volhynia  and  Bessarabia. 

The  Mennonite  colonies  of  Southern  Russia  grew  in  num- 
ber and  in  wealth.  Sheep-raising  and  wheat-growing  be- 
came their  chief  business.  The  staple  was  wheat,  which  soon 
transformed  practically  all  the  arable  lands  of  this  region 
into  a  vast  grain  field.  The  Black  Sea  towns  of  Odessa, 
Kherson,  together  with  Berdiansk,  and  Taganrog  on  the 
Sea  of  Azof,  became  famous  as  grain-shipping  ports.  The 
annual  supply  of  the  South  Russian  fields  is  even  said  to 


116  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

have  been  an  important  factor  in  determining  the  price  of 
wheat  in  the  world's  markets.  The  Mennonite  settlements 
of  Southern  Russia  had  been  gratifying  to  the  Imperial 
Government  in  all  ways  but  one:  the  German  Colonists 
would  not  amalgamate  with  the  Russian  or  Tartar  natives. 
They  would  employ  the  latter  for  service  in  the  harvest  fields, 
but  this  was  practically  the  extent  of  their  intermingling- 
The  increasing  wealth  and  the  social  exclusiveness  of  the 
Mennonites,  together  with  the  privileges  which  they  enjoyed, 
finally  aroused  a  strong  feeling  of  jealousy  on  the  part  of 
the  native  Russians  and  because  of  this  feeling,  considerable 
pressure  was  at  length  brought  to  bear  upon  the  govern- 
ment for  the  abolition  of  these  special  privileges.  Sensitive 
of  the  unrest  that  was  thus  being  created,  the  Russian  gov- 
ernment began  to  look  for  a  pretext.  It  was  duty-bound 
to  take  no  action  before  1888,  at  which  time  the  hundred 
year  limit  would  expire,  and  to  its  credit  the  Russian  gov- 
ernment did  not  break  this  agreement  which  Catherine  II 
had  made.  The  Franco-Prussian  war  of  1870-71  offered  the 
Government  a  solution  for  its  embarrassment.  Russia  would 
remain  neutral  during  the  conflict  only  under  certain  condi- 
tions and  one  of  these  was  that  Germany  withdraw  the  politi- 
cal guardianship  which  hitherto  it  had  exerted  over  all 
German  people  residing  in  the  Russian  Empire.  Bismarck 
acceded  to  this  condition  only  upon  the  requirement  that 
the  German  colonists,  of  whom  there  were,  including  Men- 
nonites, about  three  millions,  should  be  given  ten  years  in 
which  to  migrate,  in  case  they  did  not  choose  to  become  sub- 
jects of  Russia.  To  this  Russia  assented,  but  the  Mennonites 
were  not  informed  of  this  arrangement.  They  were  not  con- 
cerned with  politics  and  ordinarily  read  no  newspapers  ex- 
cept perhaps  their  church  publications.  Had  it  not  been 
for   Cornelius   Jansen,   a  member   of  their  faith  who  was 


Colonizing  the  Prairies  ¥17 

Prussian  Consul  at  Berdiansk,  the  ten  years  might  have 
elapsed  without  the  colonists  having  learned  of  the  significant 
change  in  the  Imperial  Government's  intentions.  Had  this 
been  the  case,  they  doubtless  would  suddenly  have  been  com- 
pelled to  submit  to  Russian  demands — enroll  in  the  army  and 
attend  Russian  schools,  which  were  controlled  by  the  Greek 
Catholic  Church.  But  Jansen,  who  of  course  was  in  touch 
with  public  events,  informed  his  brethren  of  Russia's  action. 
Great  excitement  prevailed.  The  devout  colonists  could  not 
think  of  changing  their  religion  or  their  customs.  Their 
only  alternative  was  to  leave  the  country.  Jansen  advised 
them  to  go  to  America,  where  he  knew  there  was  religious 
toleration.  Straightway  this  advice  met  with  favor  and 
many  of  the  Germans  made  immediate  preparations  for  their 
journey  to  the  new  world.  Meanwhile,  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment, learning  what  Jansen  had  done,  expelled  him  and  his 
family.  He  came  to  America  at  once,  reaching  this  country 
about  the  time  the  Santa  Fe  Land  Department  had  begun  to 
advertise  its  low-priced  Kansas  lands. 

Mr.  Touzalin  quickly  saw  the  great  desirability  of  bring- 
ing the  Mennonites  to  Kansas  and  settling  them  upon  his 
Company's  lands;  and  on  hearing  that  the  Imperial  decree 
was  likely  to  drive  them  out  of  Russia,  he  made  instant  plans 
for  securing  these  splendid  colonists.  Circumstances  favored 
Touzalin.  At  Lawrence,  Kansas,  near  Topeka,  he  chanced 
to  know  a  well-educated  young  German  named  Carl  B. 
Schmidt,  who  was  engaged  in  the  mercantile  business. 

Schmidt  was  of  excellent  address,  a  native  of  Germany, 
wrote  and  spoke  the  language  perfectly,  was  at  the  time 
corresponding  for  several  newspapers  in  Germany  and  hence 
was  in  fairly  close  touch  with  conditions  in  Europe.  It 
occurred  to  Touzalin  that  Schmidt  would  be  an  excellent 
man  to  send  directly  to  the  Mennonites  in  Russia  and  after 


118  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

appointing  him  an  Immigration  Commissioner  this  was  ac- 
cordingly planned.  Such  a  scheme  seemed  in  every  way 
desirable,  and  for  two  reasons:  First,  it  happened  that  in 
the  winter  of  1869-70  the  firm  of  Case  and  Billings,  Santa 
Fe  land  agents  at  Marion,  had  sold  to  M.  W.  Keim  of  Johns- 
town, Pennsylvania,  a  Mennonite  recently  arrived  from 
Europe,  a  tract  of  some  five  thousand  acres.  The  purchase 
proved  satisfactory.  Keim  was  followed  by  others  of  his 
faith,  and  within  three  years  a  considerable  number  had 
settled  in  and  about  Marion  County.  These  early  settlers, 
it  appears,  had  written  to  some  of  their  friends  in  Germany 
and  Russia,  describing  favorably  their  lands  and  prospects. 
Secondly,  Mr.  Schmidt  had  got  into  touch  with  Cornelius 
Jansen  shortly  after  the  latter  arrived  in  the  country.  In 
the  summer  of  1873  Schmidt  induced  Jansen  to  visit  Kansas 
and  examine  the  Santa  Fe  land  grant.  The  two  men  spent 
about  a  week  traveling  over  the  Company's  lands  and,  since 
Jansen  was  very  influential  with  the  sect,  the  favorable  im- 
pression that  he  gained  soon  proved  of  much  help  to  the 
Land  Department  in  its  attempts  to  secure  Mennonite  Colon- 
ists. 

So  when  the  Mennonites  in  Russia  learned  that  their 
privileges  had  been  revoked,  they  sent  a  delegation  of  five, 
including  Bishop  Jacob  Funk  and  Bishop  Ewert  of  Russia, 
and  Peter  Funk  of  Germany,  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  the 
various  reports  concerning  America.  These  men  visited 
Harvey,  Sedgwick,  Reno,  Marion  and  McPherson  Counties, 
were  pleased,  bought  land,  and  on  their  returning  to  Russia 
with  a  favorable  report  a  colony  led  by  Bishop  Jacobe 
Wiebe  came,  settling  in  Marion  and  Harvey  Counties.  As  to 
this  colony  which,  though  poorer  than  the  average,  was  quite 
typical  of  the  others,  we  will  let  good  Bishop  Wiebe  tell  the 
story,  and  his  quaint  and  simple  narrative  is  here  presented 
just  as  the  bishop  wrote  it. — 


UJ 

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«rffl          B&-  ■ 

Colonizing  the  Prairies  119 

As  Mr.  Alex  E.  Case  requested  me  to  say  something  of  our 
people's  arrival  in  America,  and  especially  to  Marion  County, 
Kansas,  I  will  comply  with  this  request. 

We  left  our  dear  homes  in  Russia,  May  30th,  1874,  and 
arrived,  after  a  trip  of  many  hardships,  at  Peabody,  August 
16th,  and  soon  became  acquainted  with  Mr.  Case  and  Mr.  Bil- 
lings, because  they  assisted  us  very  much  with  our  twelve  sec- 
tions of  land  which  we  bought  of  the  Santa  Fe  Railroad 
Company. 

But  now  comes  the  question  why  we  left  Russia  and  came  to 
America,  as  it  brought  with  it  many  hardships;  so  I  will  answer 
briefly  and  modestly  that  it  was  conviction.  Our  grandfathers 
came  from  Holland  to  Germany,  and  from  Germany  to  Russia, 
and  here  received  a  privilege  that  they  and  their  descendants 
should  be  exempt  from  military  duty,  with  the  condition,  to  give 
low  taxes  to  the  Crown.  Also  our  fathers  were  to  be  model 
farmers,  lay  out  neat  villages,  plant  gardens,  and  be  a  good 
example  in  agriculture,  in  sheep  and  cattle  raising  and  so  forth. 
But  after  a  course  of  100  years  this  privilege  was  annulled  or 
abolished,  and  in  the  year  1870  Czar  Alexander  gave  orders  in 
his  empire  to  the  effect  that  every  one  whom  the  new  law  did 
not  please,  and  who  would  not  or  could  not  go  under  the  militia, 
was  at  liberty  to  emigrate  within  ten  years  with  his  full  property, 
if  he  chose  to  hold  fast  to  his  fathers'  faith.  And  this  seemed 
to  be  in  such  earnest  that  we  sent  deputies  to  Petersburg  to 
pray  for  longer  freedom;  however,  all  seemed  useless;  instead 
of  freedom,  with  no  exception,  military  duty  for  every  one,  after 
the  expiration  of  ten  years.  As  that  was  against  Jesus'  teach- 
ing, and  against  ours  from  Godly  conviction,  as  Jesus  says  to 
Peter:  "Put  up  thy  sword  into  its  place,  for  all  they  that  take 
the  sword  shall  perish  with  the  sword,"  Math.  5th  and  Rom. 
12th,  we  sent  several  elders  and  deputies  to  America,  to  see 
if  the  newspaper  reports,  as  also  in  private  letters,  were  true, 
that  in  America  full  freedom  in  conscience  prevailed.  When 
the  deputies  returned  after  three  or  four  months  absence  they 
confirmed  that,  and  so  we  prepared  for  emigration,  and  applied 
for  passports,  because  we  wanted  to  emigrate  from  Russia  as 
honest  people,  and  we  began  to  sell  our  property.  When  the 
Czar  Alexander  learned  of  this,  he  sent  General  Von  Todleben 
to  the  Molotschuer  Colony,  who  let  all  emigrants  come  to  church, 


120  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

once  at  Halbstadt,  and  at  another  time  at  Alexanderwohl  in 
Elder  Jacob  Buller's  great  church,  and  so  there  came  very  many 
together.  Then  the  General  Todleben  in  his  full  military  uni- 
form stepped  before  the  great  assembly,  and  looked  about  with 
the  question:  "Are  all  these  emigrants?"  Then  he  began  to 
speak,  loud  and  distinctly,  in  pure  German:  "His  Majesty,  the 
Czar  Alexander,  has  sent  me  to  you  and  I  am  to  tell  you  he 
loves  you,  you  are  worthy  to  dwell  in  this  empire,  why  do  you 
have  it  in  mind  to  emigrate?  One  hundred  years  your  old 
fathers  have  been  in  this  land,  you  enjoy  it  here,  you  have 
everything  arranged  so  well,  why  will  you  emigrate?  You  have 
fine  schools,  fine  churches,  fine  houses  and  gardens,  you  need  not 
work  yourselves,  the  work  is  being  done  without  you,  all  you 
have  to  do  is  to  look  after  the  work,  you  can  hire  Russian 
laborers  at  low  wages.  Why  will  you  emigrate?  When  you 
come  to  America  you  will  have  to  dig  trees,  weed  the  roots  and 
break  the  prairie  and  do  all  your  work  yourself.  Here  you  have 
it  as  fine  as  you  wish." 

And  so  the  high  official  worked  very  hard  against  emigration, 
he  was  faithful  and  true  in  his  duty,  and  later  made  an  offer, 
that  those  who  did  not  like  to  serve  in  military  duty,  and  take 
weapons,  they  could  do  sanitary  service,  (1)  Nurse  the  sick, 
(2)  Build  bridges,  (3)  Make  plantations,  that  is,  take  care  of 
woods  and  forests.  The  latter  has  been  chosen  by  those  remain- 
ing, that  when  a  young  man  is  21  years  old  he  has  to  go  to  the 
lot,  and  if  found  fit  has  to  serve  several  years  in  the  forestry 
service. 

But  as  we  had  already  disposed  of  all  our  property  I  pre- 
sented a  petition  to  the  general,  we  thanked  his  Majesty  the 
Czar  for  the  grants  we  had  enjoyed  in  Russia  and  prayed  for 
dismissal,  which  the  General  Von  Todleben  promised.  We  re- 
ceived our  passports,  and  could  leave  our  earthly  dearly  loved 
homes,  as  well  as  many  friends,  parents,  brothers  and  sisters, 
May  30th.  July  15th  we  arrived  in  New  York.  A  great  portion 
of  our  fellow  travelers  went  from  Liverpool,  England,  to  Mani- 
toba, and  another  portion  went  to  Hamburg,  Germany,  direct  to 
Dakota  and  Minnesota.  Therefore  we  have  emigrated  with  the 
Czar's  approbation,  and  so  faithful  and  obedient  as  we  have  been 
in  Russia,  so  far  as  God's  word  and  our  conscience  allowed  us. 


Colonizing  the  Prairies  121 

so  we  have  had  a  mind  to  be  in  America,  and  want  to  seek  the 
peace  of  the  land,  as  long  as  our  fathers'  principle  is  not  touched. 
We  thank  God  that  we  could  live  in  this  dearly  beloved  America 
these  38  years,  according  to  our  faith  and  principle,  and  that 
we  can  if  we  have  a  mind  to  live  our  faith. 

From  New  York  we  journeyed  to  Elkhart,  Indiana,  where 
we  arrived  one  Sunday  morning.  We  knew  John  F.  Funk 
through  the  newspaper,  "Herald  der  Wahrheit";  he  provided  an 
empty  house.  Those  of  us  that  had  no  room  in  this  house  were 
provided  for  in  the  church.  Elder  Funk  had  announced  that 
people  from  Russia  had  arrived,  so  many  of  the  poor  were  fur- 
nished with  provisions.  In  the  afternoon  I  was  invited  to  preach 
in  the  church  to  many  hearers.  Here  our  people  lived  for  a 
number  of  weeks,  several  of  our  brethren  received  work.  Frank 
R.  Jansen  and  I  were  sent  ahead  to  look  for  a  suitable  place  for 
settlement.  We  traveled  all  over  Nebraska  and  Kansas.  In 
Nebraska  we  were  afraid  of  the  deep  wells  which  had  to  be 
drilled  and  cost  much  money,  our  people  did  not  have  much 
money  and  they  were  used  to  dug  wells,  so  we  decided  for  Kansas 
where  we  found  the  wells  shallow.  C.  B.  Schmidt  drove  with 
us  all  over  Kansas  as  far  as  Great  Bend.  On  a  hot  August  day 
weJ  ate  our  dinner  under  a  tree  on  section  13  on  the  South  Cot- 
tonwood river,  where  Peter  Harms  now  lives.  The  heat  was 
great.  Agent  Schmidt  looked  at  his  hands  full  of  blisters,  say- 
ing, "I  believe  I  have  done  my  part."  Secretly  he  feared  we 
might  yet  decide  for  Nebraska. 

When  finally  we  had  bought  the  land,  12  sections,  we  let  our 
people  follow  us.  Agent  Schmidt  offered  to  go  for  them  to 
Elkhart,  personally,  while  we  were  making  preparations  for 
their  arrival.  We  hurried  namely  to  get  ready  with  everything 
before  the  winter.  I  rented  an  empty  store,  bought  a  stove, 
table,  two  horses  and  a  wagon.  While  we  waited  for  our  families 
it  was  very  hot,  so  that  we  have  not  had  a  greater  heat  since. 

I  came  into  great  temptation  on  account  of  the  high  winds, 
everything  was  dry  and  withered.  The  year  before  grasshoppers 
had  taken  all.  I  knew,  so  soon  as  our  people  would  be  here,  the 
wind  and  dust  swept  through  the  street  of  Peabody.  I  on  a 
sudden  became  afraid  of  the  future  whether  we  would  make  our 
living  here  or  not.     The  great  responsibility  of  having  selected 


122  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

a  place  of  settlement  for  so  many  poor  people  rested  heavily 
upon  me.  In  my  great  grief  I  sat  down  on  the  steps,  I  thought 
of  the  poor  families  with  their  children,  we  had  no  provisions, 
no  friend  in  the  new  world,  the  winter  was  nigh  at  the  door, 
we  were  wanting  of  dwellings,  provisions,  agricultural  implements 
and  seed;  everything  was  high  in  price,  some  of  our  people  were 
old,  weak  and  sick,  the  future  seemed  very  gloomy;  there  were 
also  no  prospects  of  rain,  only  windy,  dusty  and  very  hot,  all 
this  fell  over  me,  so  I  could  not  help  myself  but  leave  my  tears 
free  flow.  While  I  was  thus  sitting  on  the  threshold  weeping, 
Mrs.  August  Seybold  came  to  me  and  asked  me:  "Mr.  Wiebe, 
what  ails  you?"  I  told  her  my  grief,  then  she  began  to  console 
me.  She  pointed  to  the  street,  saying:  "Do  you  see  those 
stones?  They  are  sometimes  entirely  under  water,  it  can  rain 
very  hard  here,  and  it  soon  will  rain.  Oh!  Mr.  Wiebe,  be  of 
good  cheer,  such  people  as  you  will  even  make  their  living!" 
And  so  it  was,  it  soon  began  to  rain. 

On  a  Saturday  night  our  people  arrived  at  Peabody.  Sunday 
we  rode  out  upon  the  land.  John  Fast,  Sr.,  who  already  lived 
here,  came  with  a  conveyance  to  get  people,  also  Wilhelm  Ewart, 
Mrs.  Peter  Funk  and  John  RatzloiF  sent  teams.  I  took  my 
family  in  my  own  wagon;  it  was  the  17th  day  of  August  when 
we  rode  from  Peabody  onto  the  land,  14  miles  northwest.  I 
had  loaded  some  lumber  and  utensils,  and  my  family  on  top.  So 
we  rode  in  the  deep  grass  to  the  little  stake  that  marked  the 
spot  I  had  chosen.  When  we  reached  the  same  I  stopped,  my 
wife  asked  me,  "Why  do  you  stop  ?"  I  said,  "We  are  to  live  here." 
Then  she  began  to  weep.  Several  families  moved  into  Mr. 
Funk's  barn,  where  soon  after  old  mother  Abraham  Cornelson 
died — the  first  dead  body  of  our  people  in  America.  We  built 
light  board  shanties,  dug  wells,  in  three  weeks  it  began  to  rain, 
there  came  a  heavy  rain.  We  rented  some  plowed  land  from 
English  neighbors,  who  lived  on  sections  12  and  14.  Seed  wheat 
was  seventy  cents  in  price,  corn  was  high  priced,  there  had  been 
no  crop  that  year,  it  was  $1.25;  potatoes  were  $2  a  bushel.  The 
first  sowed  wheat  brought  a  bountiful  harvest  the  next  year. 
We  had  not  sowed  very  much,  but  that  little  brought  much. 
That  gave  us  courage. 

Since   we   settled   on    Section    ll-R-2,    Risley   township,   the 


Colonizing  the  Prairies  123 

17th  of  August,  1874,  we  have  fared  well,  although  at  the  be- 
ginning we  were  very  poor.  We  originally  bought  12  sections 
of  land  of  the  railroad  company  in  Risley  township,  later 
Liberty  township,  on  ten  years'  credit,  we  had  to  pay  down  some, 
and  the  dear  friend  and  general  agent  C.  B.  Schmidt,  and  Case 
and  Billings,  have  treated  us  nicely  and  faithfully.  We  were  all 
poor  people,  many  families  owed  their  traveling  expenses.  They 
had  to  go  in  debt  for  land,  oxen,  plow,  farmer's  wagon  and  even 
their  sod  house;  they  had  to  have  provisions  for  a  year;  there 
was  no  chance  of  earning  something,  so  they  had  to  go  in  debt 
for  that  too,  so  there  was  no  other  way  than  to  borrow  money, 
but  where?  We  were  strangers,  had  no  friends  here,  only  Bern- 
hard  Warkentin  of  Halstead  knew  us  from  Russia,  and  he  helped 
us  through  Elder  Christian  Krehbiel  with  a  loan  of  a  thousand 
dollars,  when  those  were  distributed,  it  was  said:  "Brother 
Wiebe,  we  also  need  oxen  and  a  plow  to  brake  prairie."  Then 
Cornelius  Jansen  of  Nebraska,  the  well-known  Consul  Jansen, 
loaned  us  one  thousand  dollars;  when  these  were  distributed,  it 
was  said,  "Brother  Wiebe,  we  have  to  buy  provisions  for  a  year, 
and  some  lumber  to  build  little  houses,"  then  the  Elder  Wilhelm 
Ewart  loaned  us  one  thousand  dollars.  Then  the  time  of  pay- 
ment for  the  land  came,  so  Jacob  Funk  loaned  us  one  thousand 
dollars.  So  we  sat  in  our  poor  sod  houses,  some  two  feet  deep 
in  the  ground,  the  walls  of  sods,  the  roof  of  long  reed  grass, 
that  reached  into  the  prairie.  In  part  we  were  glad  to  have 
progressed  so  far  before  the  winter,  but  we  did  not  think  of  the 
great  danger  we  were  in,  as  we  lived  up  to  knee  middle  in  the 
prairie.  But  there  we  had  a  dear  English  neighbor  on  section 
12,  John  Risley,  the  good  man  saw  in  what  great  danger  we 
were,  because  we  lived  some  twenty-five  families  on  one  sec- 
tion of  land,  all  in  a  row  as  in  a  village.  The  dear  friend,  John 
Risley,  had  seen  the  prairie  fire  in  the  west,  so  he  went  for  his 
five  pairs  of  oxen  and  big  prairie  plow,  and  plowed  five  or  eight 
times  around  the  village  with  his  five  yoke  of  oxen,  and  brotherly 
told  us:  "Now,  dear  people,  burn  off  the  grass  between  the 
furrows,  else  all  you  have  may  burn  you,"  and  we  followed  his 
advice,  thanks  to  the  Lord. 

The  dear  Heavenly  Father  has  a  watchful  eye,  and  has  looked 
down  on  us  with  favor,  we  have  had  several  good  crops,  and 


124  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

have  repaid,  and  when  the  crops  failed — especially  in  the  year 
1879 — grasshoppers  came,  and  we  could  not  make  our  payments 
at  the  appointed  time.  But  the  company  had  pity  and  patience 
with  us.  The  dear  Elder  Ewart  to  whom  I  have  complained, 
that  our  brethren  could  not  hold  term,  said:  "With  nice  buggies 
you  are  not  riding  yet,  and  two  story  houses  you  are  not  build- 
ing yet,  so  are  we  obliged  to  wait." 

The  preacher  Ewart  lived  temporarily  in  a  barn,  and  rode  in 
a  large  farmer  wagon  with  his  delicate  wife.  He  made  little 
do,  and  helped  other  poor  people.  We  have,  thanks  be  to  God, 
repaid  everything,  it  is  however,  to  be  regretted  that  some  ven- 
tured into  so  much  debt,  and  since  then  gave  their  farms  to  the 
Company. 

I  am  old  now  and  will  soon  leave  this  world,  and  I  pity  the 
next  generation.  They  no  longer  learn  to  ride  with  oxen,  nor 
to  plow  with  handplow,  but  instead  everything  goes  high  out, 
instead  with  oxen,  with  carriages  or  automobiles,  though  they 
will  stick  deep  in  debt.  Jacob  A.  Wiebe. 

The  efforts  of  the  Santa  Fe  Land  Department  were  meet- 
ing with  marked  success.  Down  to  the  end  of  March,  1873, 
a  total  of  250,637.62  acres  had  been  disposed  of  at  an 
average  price  of  $5.81  an  acre;  and  sales  for  the  twelve 
months  just  ended  were  133,507.3  acres.  In  1871  there 
had  been  472  sales  with  a  total  of  71,801.51  acres;  in  1872, 
there  were  but  277  sales  amounting  to  45,328.81  acres. 
The  next  twelve  months  there  were  830  sales  comprising 
133,507.3  acres ;  while  for  the  fiscal  year  which  ended  March 
31st,  1874,  the  purchases  rose  to  1261  with  an  aggregate  of 
200,459.96  acres.  The  sales  averaged  about  160  acres, 
showing  that  the  great  majority  of  these  buyers  were  seek- 
ing homes.  Of  the  1261  purchasers  in  1874,  461  came  from 
Illinois,  327  from  foreign  countries,  122  from  Kansas,  89 
from  Iowa,  52  from  Ohio,  50  from  Indiana,  and  30  from 
Massachusetts.  The  rest  came  from  twenty  other  scattering 
states. 


Colonizing  the  Prairies  125 

This  movement  of  course  increased  the  population  rapidly. 
In  1870  Kansas  had  a  total  of  364,234;  while  in  1874,  ac- 
cording to  the  State  Board  of  Agriculture,  this  number  had 
risen  to  530,367,  an  increase  of  166,113,  or  about  46%  in 
four  years.  In  thirteen  of  the  eighteen  counties  now  tra- 
versed by  the  Santa  Fe  the  population  had  increased  from 
64,440  to  105,661,  or  64%. 

In  1873  there  were  3,031,957  acres  under  cultivation  in 
Kansas.  A  year  later  this  acreage  was  3,669,769,  an  in- 
crease of  638,812  acres,  or  21%.  In  ten  counties  along  the 
line  of  the  Santa  Fe  the  cultivated  area  rose  from  561,785 
acres  in  1873  to  711,248  in  1874— an  increase  of  149,463 
acres  or  about  30%.  The  other  counties  which  were  new 
are  not  included  in  these  figures. 

The  excellent  progress  was  checked  temporarily  by  a 
serious  drouth  and  a  plague  of  grasshoppers  which  in  the 
summer  of  1874  practically  destroyed  the  Kansas  corn  crop 
in  the  Arkansas  Valley.  A  fair  yield  of  wheat  was  secured 
in  the  older  portions  of  the  state  but  since  there  were  now 
many  thousands  of  newly-located  settlers  depending  almost 
wholly  upon  their  first  crop  of  sod  corn  for  a  start,  much 
suffering  ensued  during  the  fall  and  winter  of  1874-75. 
Many  subsisted  as  long  as  they  could  on  what  little  live  stock 
they  had,  and  then  lived  on  public  charity.  Others  left  the 
State,  the  railroad  giving  them  free  transportation  back 
East.  Organized  relief  work  was  promptly  begun.  People 
in  the  older  states  east  of  the  Missouri  gave  liberally  to  the 
sufferers,  while  railroads  in  many  cases  handled  these  famine 
supplies  free  of  charge.  In  Kansas  a  State  Relief  Committee 
was  organized  and  with  this  Committee  the  Santa  Fe  warmly 
cooperated.  For  the  year  ending  December  31st,  1875,  the 
Company  transported  free  of  charge  large  amounts  of 
freight  of  which  the  Mennonites,  according  to  contract,  re- 


126  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

ceived  1,798,000  lbs. ;  and  on  account  of  the  so-called  grass- 
hopper sufferers  the  railroad  hauled  gratis  9,972,000  lbs.  of 
supplies — food,  clothing,  and  implements.  Bulky  commodities 
like  grain  or  coal  were  moved  for  the  bare  cost  of  hauling. 
In  addition,  the  Company  gave  the  needy  farmers  along  its 
line  thousands  of  bushels  of  seed  wheat  for  the  fall  planting 
of  1874  and  1875. 

Because  of  these  conditions,  land  sales  in  1875  dropped 
to  75,415  acres  and  immigration  for  a  time  virtually  ceased. 
With  the  bad  repute  which  the  famine  had  thus  brought 
upon  the  Company  lands  and  Kansas  in  general,  the  outlook 
for  the  railroad  was  discouraging;  but  the  people  did  not 
become  greatly  disheartened,  and  the  railroad  officials 
merely  redoubled  their  efforts.  A  good  acreage  of  wheat 
was  sown  in  1874,  and  for  November  and  December  of  that 
year  the  railroad  earnings  were  $30,000  more  than  for  the 
same  months  of  the  preceding  year.  Prosperity  returned 
the  following  season.  Whereas  the  corn  crop  of  1874  had 
been  less  than  16,000,000  bushels,  in  1875  it  was  over  80,- 
000,000  bushels ;  and  the  wheat  output  rose  from  9,800,000 
to  13,000,000  bushels.  These  crop  yields  of  course  did 
much  to  restore  confidence  and  to  stimulate  land-buying. 

Meanwhile,  Mr.  Touzalin,  finding  himself  out  of  harmony 
with  President  Thomas  Nickerson  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka 
and  Santa  Fe  Co.,  had  resigned  in  1874.  Nickerson  then 
appointed  Col.  A.  S.  Johnson,1  Acting  Commissioner,  and  in 

1  Alexander  S.  Johnson  was  born  in  what  is  now  Johnson  County, 
Kansas,  July  11,  1832.  His  father,  the  Rev.  Thomas  Johnson,  was  a 
Missionary  to  the  Shawnee  Indians.  Alexander  was  educated  in  the 
Shawnee  Mission  School,  completing  his  studies  in  a  college  at  Fayette, 
Missouri,  in  1851.  He  was  then  engaged  for  three  years  in  the  mercantile 
business  in  and  about  Kansas  City.  In  1854  he  left  this  business  to 
become  Deputy  U.  S.  Surveyor,  which  work  engaged  him  for  several 
years.     In  1855  he  was  elected  to  the  first  Territorial  Legislature  of 


Colonizing  the  Prairies  187 

1880  Johnson  was  given  the  combined  title  of  Land  and  Tax 
Commissioner.  He  had  already  spent  several  years  sur- 
veying and  appraising  the  Santa  Fe  lands,  and  before  com- 
ing to  this  Company  had  served  as  Land  Commissioner  of 
the  Fort  Scott  and  Gulf  Railroad.  An  able  and  experienced 
man,  Johnson  now  took  up  the  task  which  Touzalin  had 
abandoned.  In  spite  of  drouths  or  grasshoppers,  good  crops 
or  bad,  the  lands  had  to  be  sold  and  the  colonization  must 
go  on. 

The  efficient  system  for  advertising  and  selling  the  lands 
which  Mr.  Touzalin  had  devised  was  elaborated  still  further 
by  his  successor  and  the  work  was  now  to  continue  with 
renewed  effort.  In  the  spring  of  1875  a  big  publicity  cam- 
paign, in  which  the  lands  were  extensively  advertised  in  the 
newspapers,  both  large  and  small,  throughout  the  Mississippi 
Valley  was  begun.  It  will  be  recalled  that  already  a  con- 
siderable number  of  local  agents  had  been  appointed 
throughout  this  section.  The  extensive  advertising  of  1875 
was  designed  not  only  to  arouse  general  interest  in  the  rail- 
road lands,  but  to  stimulate  the  efforts  of  resident  agents. 
Perhaps  the  cleverest  stroke  of  publicity  which  Col.  Johnson 
accomplished  was  to  invite  the  leading  newspaper  men  of 
the  Middle  West  to  visit  Kansas  and  take  a  free  trip  over 

Kansas;  in  1866  he  served  another  term  as  State  Representative  from 
Johnson  County. 

Shortly  after  the  Civil  War  began,  Johnson  organized  a  military  com- 
pany which  was  finally  merged  into  the  Thirteenth  Kansas  Militia,  of 
which  he  was  appointed  a  Lieut.-Colonel  by  Governor  Carney.  He  was 
under  arms  nearly  four  years.  From  1866  to  1870  Col.  Johnson  was 
Land  Commissioner  of  the  Fort  Scott  and  Gulf  R.  R.  From  1870  to  1874 
in  the  service  of  the  Santa  Fe  Land  Department  as  surveyor  and  ap- 
praiser; from  1874  to  1880  acting  Land  Commissioner;  and  from  1880  to 
1980  Land  and  Tax  Commissioner  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe. 
After  leaving  the  Santa  Fe  Col.  Johnson  lived  in  retirement  until  his 
death  in  1904. 


128  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

the  Santa  Fe  line  as  guests  of  the  Railroad  Company,  that 
they  might  see  the  country  for  themselves.  About  three 
hundred  editors  and  correspondents  accepted  this  invitation 
and  the  affair  was  a  thorough  success.  The  trip  across 
Kansas  was  made  in  June  when  the  country  was  at  its  best, 
with  great  fields  of  yellow  grain,  and  corn  waist  high.  Go- 
ing home  pleased  with  their  entertainment  and  what  they 
had  seen,  these  men  of  course  wrote  glowing  accounts  of 
their  experiences.  Which  meant  that  about  three  hundred 
newspapers  throughout  the  Mississippi  Valley,  in  their  news 
and  editorial  columns,  gave  the  lie  to  "Bleeding  Kansas," 
lauding  the  Santa  Fe  railroad  and  its  lands.  The  result 
was  to  interest  thousands  of  people  hitherto  indifferent  and 
to  induce  many  to  go  to  Kansas,  there  to  buy  lands  and 
settle  permanently. 

Almost  immediately  these  efforts  were  supplemented  by 
the  appointment  of  a  number  of  immigration  agents  whose 
duty  it  was  to  visit  the  more  important  towns  of  Missouri, 
Iowa,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Ohio,  Michigan  and  Wisconsin,  and 
personally  solicit  immigration  to  Kansas.  At  about  the 
same  time  these  men  organized  a  big  home-seekers'  excursion 
to  Kansas.  Unusually  low  rates  were  offered,  the  excursion 
was  widely  advertised,  and  about  twelve  hundred  prospective 
land-buyers  were  finally  induced  to  make  the  trip  which  the 
agents  successfully  conducted.  Because  the  middle  states 
were  then  almost  wholly  agricultural,  and  were  relatively 
near  to  Kansas,  they  were  considered  a  better  field  than  the 
East.  It  soon  became  common  for  heads  of  families  in  the 
states  mentioned  to  sell  their  farms  at  from  twenty  to  one 
hundred  dollars  per  acre  and  buy  undeveloped  prairie  lands 
— lands  that  were  to  prove  as  good  or  better  than  those 
they  had  left — at  from  five  to  six  dollars  an  acre. 

In  the  meantime,  Col.  Johnson  had  been  fully  awake  to 


Colonizing  the  Prairies  129 

the  importance  of  the  Mennonite  movement,  which  immigra- 
tion had  alone  progressed  regardless  of  the  drouth  and 
grasshopper  plague  of  1874.  On  September  8th  of  that 
year  six  hundred  arrived  in  Topeka,  and  they  were  followed 
on  the  23d  by  eleven  hundred  more.  On  the  14th  of  October 
these  people  bought  100,000  acres  of  land  from  the  Atchi- 
son, Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  Company.  January  2d,  1875, 
two  hundred  more  arrived  from  Russia,  going  directly  to 
Great  Bend,  settling  on  or  near  the  main  line. 

It  was  now  determined  to  begin  operations  in  Europe. 
Accordingly  Mr.  Schmidt  sailed  from  New  York  in  Febru- 
ary, 1875,  and  after  visiting  among  the  wealthy  Mennonites 
in  Prussia  near  Danzig  and  Marienburg,  where  some  valuable 
colonists  were  afterwards  secured,  he  crossed  the  Russian 
frontier  at  Wirballen  and  began  his  long  railroad  journey 
into  Southern  Russia.  Owing  to  deep  snow,  which  often 
impeded  traffic,  the  trip  was  slow  and  tedious,  ten  miles  an 
hour  being  about  the  average  speed.  After  a  week  of  steady 
travel,  Schmidt  came  to  the  town  of  Alexandrovsk,  where  he 
left  the  train  in  company  with  a  party  of  German  Lutheran 
Colonists  whom  he  had  met  en  route.  The  Lutherans  had 
no  scruples  against  remaining  in  Russia  and  did  not  intend 
to  migrate ;  but  they  knew  of  the  Mennonites  and  their  plans 
and  so  were  able  to  give  Schmidt  some  valuable  information 
concerning  the  Mennonite  Colonies.  After  paying  a  short 
visit  to  the  Lutheran  Village  of  Friedrichsfeld,  the  Agent 
reached  Alexanderwohl,  the  first  Mennonite  village  at  the 
end  of  an  all-day  sleigh  ride.  Here  there  lived  Herr  Klaas- 
sen,  a  Mennonite  leader  of  great  wealth  and*. influence.  He 
seems  to  have  stood  in  well  with  the  Imperial  Government 
and  was  a  fatherly  adviser  to  his  people  for  miles  around. 
Schmidt  had  been  advised  by  the  Mennonites  in  Kansas  that 
this  man's  influence  should  by  all  means  be  procured,  and 


130  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

before  leaving  had  been  given  letters  of  introduction  to  him 
and  about  one  hundred  other  Mennonites  throughout  the 
colony.  But  Klaassen,  strange  to  say,  gave  no  encourage- 
ment. The  discontented  element,  he  said,  had  already  gone 
to  America.  Those  who  remained  were  satisfied,  and  why 
should  they  want  to  leave?  The  Czar  loved  the  Mennonites 
and  treated  them  like  a  father.  Not  long  before  General 
Von  Todleben,  a  friend  of  Czar  Alexander  II  and  a 
German  by  descent,  had  been  sent  as  an  Imperial  ambassador 
to  the  Mennonite  villages,  where  he  had  held  public  meet- 
ings and  convinced  the  people  that  they  should  not  emigrate 
to  America.  Klaassen  further  told  Schmidt  that  the  latter 
was  only  wasting  his  time  in  trying  to  incite  further  emigra- 
tion and  that  in  so  doing  he  was  also  running  the  risk  of 
incurring  the  hostility  of  the  Government. 

Having  come  several  thousand  miles  to  secure  colonists 
for  the  Santa  Fe  lands,  matters  now  looked  discouraging 
enough  for  Schmidt.  He  assured  his  host  that  he  would 
return  to  Germany  after  delivering  some  family  letters  in 
the  next  village.  Starting  out  on  the  following  morning  for 
the  estate  of  another  leading  Mennonite  who  had  friends  in 
Kansas,  the  land  agent  was  soon  told  that  Klaassen  had  mis- 
informed him  and  that  many  families  were  then  preparing 
to  leave  for  America.  Schmidt  was  also  warned  to  be  care- 
ful, since  Klaassen  would  promptly  notify  the  Russian  Gov- 
ernor at  Simferopol  of  his  presence,  which  might  lead  to  his 
arrest. 

Schmidt,  however,  gave  little  heed  to  such  fears  and  pro- 
ceeded to  visit  each  of  the  fifty-six  Mennonite  villages  com- 
prising the  Molotschna  or  Milk  River  Colony.  Everywhere 
he  was  warmly  received,  which  was  due  not  only  to  the 
numerous  letters  of  introduction  which  he  carried,  but 
because  his  coming  had  already  been  announced  to  the  people 


Colonizing  the  Prairies  131 

by  letters  from  Kansas.  Crowds  greeted  him  in  public  halls 
and  listened  with  deep  interest  to  his  descriptions  of  Kansas, 
where  numbers  of  the  brethren  had  already  located.  Many 
interesting  questions  were  asked;  some  thought  there  was 
danger  from  the  Indians  in  Kansas  since  Indian  Territory 
was  so  near.  Soldiers  therefore  would  be  needed  there,  and 
the  Mennonites  did  not  bear  arms.  But  Mr.  Schmidt  was 
able  to  reassure  them  that  Indian  Territory  was  not  a  dan- 
gerous place  and  that  the  Kansas  Constitution  exempted 
from  military  service  those  whose  religious  beliefs  forbade  it. 
In  an  interesting  document  narrating  his  experiences  dur- 
ing this  trip  Mr.  Schmidt  speaks  of  the  Mennonites  as  he 
found  them  in  Russia: 

My  desire  to  transplant  to  Kansas  as  many  of  these  people 
as  possible  increased  as  I  traveled  through  those  thrifty  and 
handsome  villages.  The  dwelling-houses  were  large  brick  struc- 
tures with  tile  roofs,  a  flower  garden  between  the  street  and  the 
house,  and  well-kept  vegetable  garden,  and  orchard  in  the  rear. 
The  stables  were  filled  with  splendid  work-horses  of  heavy 
build,  and  the  sheds  with  vehicles  of  all  descriptions,  among  them 
comfortable  family  coaches  and  all  kinds  of  American  farming 
machinery.  They  were  certainly  the  best  appointed  farming 
communities  I  had  seen  anywhere.  Scattered  over  the  country 
were  large,  isolated  estates,  with  buildings  reminding  one  of  the 
feudal  baronial  castles  of  Western  Europe.  Their  owners  were 
millionaire  Mennonites,  who  had  acquired  large  tracts  of  land 
by  private  purchase.  I  was  entertained  by  one  of  them,  who 
had  the  reputation  of  being  the  largest  sheep  owner  in  Europe. 
When  I  asked  him  how  many  sheep  he  owned,  he  could  not  tell, 
but  said  he  had  3000  shepherd  dogs  taking  care  of  his  flock.  A 
little  figuring  developed  that  he  owned  over  half  a  million  sheep 
scattered  in  flocks  all  along  the  coast  of  the  Black  Sea. 

As  Mr.  Schmidt  traveled  farther  and  farther  through  the 
Molotschna  Colony  people  continued  to  flock  to  hear  him. 


132  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

After  speaking  to  large  crowds  two  or  three  times  a  day  for 
a  month,  his  voice  gave  out.  At  the  same  time  it  was  rumored 
about  that  he  had  been  captured  by  government  officials  and 
sent  to  Siberia.  To  get  a  little  rest  and  to  allow  these 
rumors  to  subside  he  withdrew  for  a  few  days  to  Berdiansk, 
the  chief  port  for  the  Mennonite  colonies  on  the  Sea  of  Azof. 
"At  the  time  of  my  visit,"  he  says,  "it  had  about  25,000 
inhabitants  of  great  variety  of  nationalities — Russians, 
Turks,  Tartars,  Bulgarians,  Armenians,  Greeks,  English, 
and  Germans.  It  was  from  this  port  that,  four  months  after 
my  visit,  a  Red  Star  Line  steamer  carried  a  full  cargo  of 
household  goods,  farm  implements,  and  wagons,  the  personal 
property  of  400  Mennonite  families,  from  the  Molotschna 
Colonies  to  Philadelphia,  consigned  to  Newton,  Kansas,  and 
carried  all  the  way  at  the  expense  of  the  Santa  Fe  Railroad 
Company.  It  was  here  also  where  a  Mennonite  bishop 
entrusted  me  with  80,000  rubles  ($56,000)  in  the  form  of  a 
draft  on  Hamburg,  with  the  request  to  invest  that  sum  in 
land-grant  bonds  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe 
Railroad  Company,  which  then  could  be  bought  at  sixty-five 
per  cent  of  their  face  value,  but  were  accepted  at  par  by  the 
Company  in  payment  for  land." 

Proceeding  on  his  journey  from  Berdiansk,  Mr.  Schmidt 
continued  "preaching  the  gospel  of  emigration  to  Kansas 
from  village  to  village."  On  learning  finally  that  he  was 
being  pursued  by  Russian  police  and  in  real  danger  of  arrest, 
he  was  driven  overland  at  night  from  the  village  of  Ruckenau 
to  Terpinje,  where  he  was  kindly  sheltered  by  a  prominent 
Mennonite  named  Warkentin.  From  Terpinje,  Schmidt  was 
driven  to  Melitopol,  the  nearest  railroad  town,  whence  he 
took  train  to  Odessa,  at  which  city  was  the  only  American 
consul  in  Southern  Russia.  Deciding  that  it  was  unwise  to 
remain  longer  in  the   country,   Schmidt  had  his  passport 


Colonizing  the  Prairies  133 

endorsed  and  started  westward,  where  he  spent  two  months 
in  Austria,  Germany  and  Switzerland,  appointing  agents  for 
the  Santa  Fe  immigration  work.  This  ended  Mr.  Schmidt's 
first  mission  to  Europe.  It  bore  good  results.  That  same 
year  400  Mennonite  families,  comprising  1,900  people,  came 
to  Kansas,  bringing  with  them  $2,250,000  in  gold.  These 
people  2  purchased  60,000  acres  of  Kansas  land,  practically, 
if  not  all,  from  the  Santa  Fe  Company  in  Marion,  McPher- 
son,  Harvey,  and  Reno  Counties. 

About  15,000  Mennonites  had  settled  on  the  Santa  Fe 
railroad  lands  by  the  year  1883,  when  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment, beginning  to  feel  the  loss  of  so  many  useful  subjects, 
at  last  decided  to  continue  the  special  privileges  which  the 
Mennonites  had  long  enjoyed,  such  as  exemption  from  mili- 
tary service,  religious  toleration,  and  German  schools,  and 
this  checked  the  emigration  to  a  large  extent.  Some  few 
continued  to  come,  however,  and  the  large  movement  which 
has  just  been  discussed  started  a  similar  emigration  from 
South  Germany,  Prussia  and  Switzerland.  By  1905  it  was 
estimated  that  fully  60,000  had  settled  in  Kansas,  with  some 
branch  settlements  in  Oklahoma  and  Colorado. 

The  coming  of  the  Mennonites  was  an  event  of  great  im- 
portance. These  people  have  proved  their  worth  as  farmers, 
colonizers,  and  citizens  of  the  highest  type.  They  have 
transformed  a  large  section  of  South  Central  Kansas  into 
splendid  farms;  they  have  built  comfortable  homes,  fine 
churches,  and  good  schools.     They  have  contributed  much 

2  For  about  a  month,  while  awaiting  the  final  selection  of  their  lands, 
the  400  families  lived  in  a  huge  brick  building  in  Topeka  which  the 
railroad  company  had  just  purchased  for  car  shops.  The  merchants  of 
the  city  did  a  flourishing  business  selling  the  newcomers  goods  with  which 
to  stock  their  prospective  homes.  Before  leaving  Topeka,  the  whole 
party  were  received  in  the  State  house  by  the  Governor,  whose  hospitality 
was  much  appreciated. 


134  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

to  the  wealth  and  higher  morale  of  Kansas.  They  are  ideal 
citizens.  And  finally  it  was  a  Mennonite,  Bernhard  Warken- 
tin,  who,  about  the  year  of  1885,  introduced  into  Kansas  the 
celebrated  hard,  or  Turkey  wheat  from  Southern  Russia. 
This  improved  variety  of  grain  was  grown  here  with  instant 
success  and  it  has  made  Kansas  not  only  an  exporter  of 
flour,  but  the  greatest  wheat  producing  state  in  America. 
The  1914  Kansas  wheat  crop  was  181,000,000  bushels, 
worth  approximately  one  dollar  a  bushel.  This  output  was 
27,000,000  bushels  more  than  the  combined  yield  of  the 
two  states  ranking  next  highest  that  year,  nearly  one-fifth 
of  the  total  wheat  output  of  the  United  States,  15,000,000 
bushels  in  excess  of  the  entire  wheat  crop  of  Canada,  and 
23%  greater  than  any  state  had  heretofore  produced  in  a 
single  season.3  The  colonizing  efforts  of  the  Santa  Fe  rail- 
road were  not  in  vain. 

Now  to  conclude  the  general  activities  of  the  Land  De- 
partment. In  1876  a  fine  agricultural  exhibit  composed  of 
products  from  the  new  farms  lying  within  the  Company's 
land  grant  was  displayed  at  the  Centennial  Exposition.  This 
exhibit,  which  was  strikingly  arranged,  proved  one  of  the 
features  of  the  Exposition.  It  was  viewed  by  thousands  of 
persons  and  described  in  many  newspapers,  which  again  gave 
the  railroad  and  its  land  infinite  advertising  and  stimulated 
land-buying.     Whereas  land  sales  had  dropped  to  75,415 

8  J.  C.  Mohler,  Sec'y  Kansas  State  Board  of  Agriculture,  to  the  writer, 
March  2d,  1915: 

"The  Mennonite  immigrants  from  Southern  Russia  near  the  Black  Sea 
brought  this  Red  Turkey  wheat  to  Kansas  and  from  that  small  beginning 
has  developed  one  of  the  most  important  wheat  growing  regions  in  the 
world.  This  is  the  wheat  that  Kansas  is  famous  for,  and  it  is  rated  at 
the  head  of  the  breadstuff  supplies." 

Ibid. 

In  May,  1919,  the  Kansas  wheat  prospects  indicate  a  yield  of  about 
200,000,000  bushels,  to  be  worth  probably  $450,000,000. 


Colonizing  the  Prairies  135 

acres  in  1875,  in  1876  they  rose  nearly  60%  to  122,201 
acres.  In  1877  the  Land  Commissioner  reported  that  about 
900,000  acres  of  the  government  lands  alternating  with 
those  of  the  Company  had  been  taken  up  by  actual  settlers, 
thus  locating  over  8,000  new  families  along  the  line.  During 
the  Autumn  of  1877,  a  total  of  246,917  acres  were  sown  to 
wheat  in  the  nine  leading  counties  of  the  land  grant  along 
the  Arkansas  Valley ;  for  the  preceding  year  the  wheat  acre- 
age was  but  168,345.  In  1878,  Company  sales  reached  a 
total  of  267,282.47  acres  amounting  to  $1,207,615.64.  That 
same  year  1,282,046  acres  of  government  lands,  and  about 
75,000  acres  of  school  lands,  all  tributary  to  the  railroad^ 
were  taken  up  by  settlers.  Thus  a  total  of  1,624,328  acres 
in  the  Arkansas  Valley,  making  about  100,000  new  farms, 
were  occupied  with  an  estimated  farming  population  of  at 
least  50,000  in  a  single  year.  No  matter  who  sold  the  lands, 
this  assured  prosperity  for  the  railroad;  for  it  meant  the 
development  of  the  country  and  the  subsequent  creation  of 
traffic,  without  which  no  railroad  can  exist. 

By  the  close  of  1880  a  total  of  1,016,431  acres  of  the 
Company  lands  had  been  actually  sold.4  So  far,  all  land- 
buying  had  been  east  of  Dodge  City,  the  lands  west  of  that 
town  not  having  been  appraised.  This  was  natural,  as  the 
dependable  rain  belt  of  Kansas  along  the  Santa  Fe  lines 
extends  only  about  to  Ford  County.  West  of  Dodge  City 
the  rainfall  is  very  uncertain  and  farming  is  conducted  with 
any  probability  of  success  only  in  the  river  valleys  where 
irrigation  is  possible.  Col.  Johnson  now  instructed  D.  N. 
Hizer,  one  of  his  staff,  to  appraise  the  lands  west  of  Dodge. 
To  do  this,  Hizer  had  to  ride  over  three  thousand  miles  on 
horseback   writing   for   the   Land   Department    records,    a 

4  This  means  net  sales,  after  making  allowance  for  cancellations  due 
to  sales  that  fell  through. 


136  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

description  of  every  section  that  remained  in  the  grant.  This 
was  accomplished  between  April  and  December  of  1881. 
Thus,  opened  for  sale,  these  valley  lands  found  ready  pur- 
chasers. Men  with  considerable  wealth  became  interested  in 
the  irrigation  possibilities;  a  series  of  ditches  were  con- 
structed, after  which  the  town  of  Garden  City  was  laid  out 
and  grew  rapidly.  To-day  this  region  is  famed  for  the 
production  of  sugar  beets,  the  industry  having  been  extended 
some  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  along  the  Arkansas  in 
Western  Kansas  and  Eastern  Colorado. 

Immigration  was  again  checked  by  a  drouth  in  1881. 
Land  sales  fell  that  year  to  about  50,000  acres.  But  fairly 
good  crops  were  raised,  and  marketed  at  good  prices,  so  the 
settlers  did  not  become  discouraged.  Normal  prosperity 
returned  the  following  spring.  Sales  for  1882  were  189,831 
acres;  in  1883  they  jumped  to  431,755  acres;  a  year  later 
they  were  353,090  and  in  1885  the  company  land  sales 
reached  the  unprecedented  %)tal  of  770,494  acres.  In  1886 
they  fell  to  347,322  acres  and  this  virtually  exhausted  the 
land  grant.  In  1887  there  were  no  land  sales  and  the  year 
following  only  5,436  acres.  Henceforth  the  activities  of 
the  Land  Department  were  devoted  chiefly  to  the  re-selling 
of  canceled  contracts,5  and  to  the  collection  of  deferred  pay- 
ments on  lands  already  sold,  of  which  over  $815,000 
principal  and  interest  remained  unpaid  at  the  end  of  1887. 
That  same  year  the  plotting  of  townsites  and  the  disposal 
of  city  property  in  various  towns  through  which  the  lines 
were  being  extended  were  assigned  to  the  Department;  but 
such  duties  were  but  incidental  to  the  expansion  of  the  road 
and  are  of  no  particular  concern  here.  Active  colonizing 
had  practically  ceased  in  1886. 

6  That  is,  lands  where  the  original  buyer  had  failed  to  carry  through 
his  purchasing  agreement. 


Colonizing  the  Prairies  137 

Col.  Johnson  resigned  as  Land  Commissioner  in  1890  and 
was  succeeded  on  June  1st  of  that  year  by  John  E.  Frost. 
The  latter  had  entered  the  service  as  local  sales  agent  in 
Galesburg,  Illinois,  in  1872,  and  because  of  his  remarkable 
success  in  selling  and  colonizing  Company  lands  had  been 
made  a  General  Agent  in  1879  and  Chief  Clerk  of  the  De- 
partment in  1883.  Under  Mr.  Frost  the  old  accounts  of 
the  Departments  were  liquidated,  the  various  collateral  town 
properties  mentioned  above  were  disposed  of,  and  the  odds 
and  ends  of  the  land  grant  were,  so  far  as  possible,  sold. 
Finally,  on  the  1st  of  September,  1898,  Mr.  Frost  bought 
the  few  remnants  of  lands  that  remained,  resigned  his  office, 
and  on  that  date  the  old  Santa  Fe  Railroad  Land  Depart- 
ment, its  work  now  completed,  was  formally  abolished. 

During  Mr.  Frost's  connection  with  the  Land  Department, 
from  1872  to  1898,  its  cash  receipts  from  all  sources  were 
about  $14,000,000;  sales  from  other  properties  which  it 
handled  were  approximately  $2,000,000  more.  Selling  the 
original  land  grant  of  some  3,000,000  acres  actually  in- 
volved the  sale  of  4,000,000  acres,  because  the  frequent  can- 
cellation of  land  contracts  made  re-selling  necessary.  Dis- 
posing of  the  land  grant  was  done  at  great  expense.  It 
cost  heavily  to  carry  on  the  big  advertising  campaigns  and 
to  haul  thousands  of  passengers  and  their  belongings  free, 
as  was  often  done.  The  expense  of  keeping  immigration 
agents  in  Europe  and  of  bringing  thousands  of  Mennonites 
free  of  charge  from  Europe  to  Kansas  was  enormous.  There 
are  probably  no  figures  in  existence  to  show  the  actual  net 
profit  which  the  Company  made  from  its  lands.  One  of  the 
directors  of  long  service,  a  scholarly  gentleman  of  great 
business  ability,  who  has  been  intimate  with  the  affairs  of  the 
Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  Company  for  a  generation, 
has  estimated  that  the  Company  probably  cleared  about  one 


138  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

dollar  an  acre  in  selling  this  land,  which,  if  correct,  would 
have  made  a  profit  of  from  three  to  four  million  dollars. 
But  this  sum  in  no  sense  measures  the  importance  of  the 
land  grant  to  the  Company.  In  the  first  place  the  lands 
furnished  credit  when  credit  was  sorely  needed  for  early 
development ;  and  their  sale  extending  over  a  period  of  years 
brought  in  much  needed  income  when  revenues  were  not  large. 
Yet  the  real  significance  lay  in  the  efforts  of  the  Company 
to  get  settlers.  It  will  never  be  possible  to  say  how  many 
thousands  of  people  located  in  Kansas  as  a  direct  or  indirect 
result  of  the  railroad's  efforts.  The  complex  character  of 
the  land  grant  itself,  the  frequent  cancellation  of  sales,  and 
the  shifting  of  population  forbid  a  safe  estimate.  But  the 
absolute  conclusion  remains  that  in  colonizing  the  prairies, 
great  results  were  accomplished.  The  railroad  not  only 
builded  well  its  own  future;  it  contributed  to  the  sound  na- 
tional development  of  this  country. 

In  order  to  complete  our  discussion  of  the  land  grant  and 
so  avoid  later  confusion,  this  narrative  has  extended  some- 
what in  advance  of  the  main  story.  We  now  turn  once  more 
to  the  expansion  of  the  railroad  and  the  conflicts  which  it 
involved. 


CHAPTER  VI 


INTO    THE    ROCKY    MOUNTAINS 


Near  the  close  of  the  year  the  Board  elected  W.  B.  Strong, 
Esq.,  of  Chicago,  Vice-President  and  General  Manager  of  the 
road.  He  brings  to  your  road  rare  abilities  and  large  experience 
which  cannot  fail  to  be  of  great  benefit  to  the  Company. 

In  accordance  with  the  design  of  the  original  projectors  of 
your  road  the  Directors  have  matured  a  plan  to  extend  your 
line  into  New  Mexico,  to  the  vicinity  of  Santa  Fe,  in  the  year 
1878,  and  they  trust  this  movement  will  be  approved  and  sup- 
ported by  the  stockholders  of  the  road. 

THE  above  statements  are  taken  from  the  annual  report 
of  the  Santa  Fe  Directors  for  the  year  1877.  The 
road  then  aggregated  786  miles,  including  a  main  line  618 
miles  in  length  and  168  miles  of  branches.  When  William  B. 
Strong,  as  President,  left  the  Santa  Fe  Company  in  Sep- 
tember of  1889,  less  than  twelve  years  later,  the  Santa  Fe 
road  had  become  a  transcontinental  system  over  7,000  miles 
in  extent,  with  terminals  at  Chicago,  San  Diego,  Los  An- 
geles, Denver,  Galveston,  El  Paso,  and  Guaymas,  Mexico. 
The  intense  activities  that  were  to  characterize  the  history 
of  the  Santa  Fe  during  the  next  twelve  years  center  largely, 
about  two  great  personalities,  William  B.  Strong  and  Albert 
A.  Robinson,  the  men  who  made  Cyrus  Holliday's  dreams 
a  splendid  reality.  But  before  entering  this  period,  which 
is  one  of  the  most  significant  and  romantic  in  the  history  of 
American  railways,  we  must  note  briefly  the  growth  which 
the  road  had  made  since  the  dash  across  western  Kansas,  the 

139 


140  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

winning  of  the  land  grant,  and  the  successful  beginnings  of 
colonization  in  the  early  Seventies. 

Because  of  the  great  panic,  the  Santa  Fe  in  common  with 
most  railroads  attempted  but  little  construction  in  1873; 
only  the  twelve  mile  extension  of  the  main  line  from  Kansas 
boundary  to  Granada,  Colorado,  opened  for  traffic  on  May 
10th,  was  completed  that  year.  This  work,  it  will  be  re- 
called, had  been  done  under  the  name  of  the  Colora'do  and 
New  Mexico  Railroad.  Further  delay  was  first  occasioned 
by  the  natural  reaction  which  followed  the  panic  by  the  slow 
return  of  normal  business  conditions,  and  again  by  the 
serious  local  depression  due  to  the  grasshoppers  and  drouth 
in  Kansas  in  1874.  As  was  mentioned  in  the  last  chapter, 
however,  this  delay  proved  but  temporary  and  thanks  to  the 
activities  of  the  Land  Department  and  the  good  crops  of 
1875  confidence  in  the  Santa  Fe  railway  project  was  soon 
firmly  established. 

As  early  as  1874  the  directors  wisely  purposed  to  build 
far  into  Colorado.  There  were  good  reasons  for  this  plan. 
At  Canon  City,  due  west,  and  at  Trinidad,  west  and  south, 
from  Granada,  were  large  coal  deposits  of  a  quality  superior 
to  any  in  Kansas.  This  coal  alone,  it  was  believed,  would 
furnish  a  large  eastbound  tonnage.  There  was  much  timber 
in  Colorado  which  could  be  shipped  into  Kansas  where  lum- 
ber was  badly  needed  and  which  region  hitherto  had  been 
supplied  chiefly  with  Michigan  pine.  The  ranches  of  Colo- 
rado would  ship  a  large  and  increasing  volume  of  freight, 
in  cattle,  sheep,  hides  and  wool,  over  the  new  line.  Colorado 
was  already  famed  for  its  precious  metals,  which  mining 
industry  was  bound  to  develop  fast  with  improved  means  of 
transportation.  This  meant  a  heavy  traffic  in  ores,  not  to 
mention  a  growing  demand  for  machinery,  chemicals,  and 
other  mining  supplies  that  would  have  to  be  shipped  by  rail 


Into  the  Rocky  Mountains  141 

from  cities  east  of  the  Missouri  River.  Again,  the  scenery 
and  climate  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  were  beginning  to 
attract  tourists.  With  convenient  railroad  facilities  here 
was  a  chance  to  develop  a  profitable  passenger  traffic.  And 
finally,  Colorado,  with"  her  ranches,  mines  and  tourists,  must 
have  the  ordinary  commodities  of  life — foodstuffs,  dry  goods, 
furniture,  hardware,  etc.,  all  of  which  must  be  brought  from 
distant  markets.  The  state  was  large,  and  as  yet  reached 
from  the  East  by  only  one  railroad.  For  the  Santa  Fe,  the 
gateway  to  the  interior  of  Colorado  was  Pueblo,  where  con- 
nection would  be  made  with  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande,  a 
narrow  gauge  local  road  for  Denver.  A  line  across  south- 
western Colorado — following  the  Santa  Fe  trail — to  Trini- 
dad would  approach  the  New  Mexico  boundary  where  much 
of  the  overland  wagon  traffic  would  be  secured.  All  in  all, 
building  into  Colorado  offered  limitless  traffic  which  it  is  the 
business  of  railroads  to  secure.  The  first  objective  point 
in  this  direction,  therefore,  was  Pueblo,  one  hundred  and 
thirty-three  miles  west  of  Granada. 

Expansion  began  both  west  and  east  in  1875.  To  build 
the  road  to  Pueblo  a  new  corporation,  the  Pueblo  and 
Arkansas  Valley  Railroad  Company,  was  incorporated 
March  24,  1875,  by  a  group  of  Boston  capitalists  who  were 
also  the  chief  owners  of  the  Santa  Fe  road.  On  October 
1st  the  new  corporation  absorbed  the  Colorado  and  New 
Mexico  Company  with  all  its  charter  privileges  under  which 
the  preliminary  Colorado  extension  had  been  constructed. 
Then,  on  the  same  date,  the  Pueblo  and  Arkansas  Valley 
was  leased  unconditionally  to  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and 
Santa  Fe  for  a  term  of  thirty  years,  thus  giving  the  Atchi- 
son *  Company  an  effective  corporate  instrument  with  which 

1  In  Eastern  financial  circles  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  rail- 
road is  usually  referred  to  as  "The  Atchison."    In  the  West  it  is  the 


142  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

to  prosecute  its  building  plans  in  Colorado.  Construction 
having  commenced  promptly,  the  road  was  completed  and 
ready  for  operation  to  Las  Animas,  fifty  miles  beyond 
Granada,  on  September  13th. 

Meanwhile  a  new  and  important  terminal  was  being 
secured  on  the  Missouri  River.  After  the  Civil  War,  Kansas 
City,  due  to  the  enterprise  of  her  citizens,  had  begun  to  out- 
strip her  rival  neighboring  towns.2  As  a  rapidly  growing 
commercial  city  it  had  become  the  terminus  of  practically  all 
the  important  railroads  in  that  section,  and  by  the  early 
Seventies  it  promised  eventually  to  rival  St.  Louis  as  a  rail- 
road and  commercial  center.  Furthermore,  in  1875,  Kansas 
City  had  overshadowed  Atchison,  then  the  Santa  Fe's  Mis- 
souri River  terminus,  and  was  fast  becoming  the  greatest 
cattle  and  grain  market  of  the  Southwest,  which  supremacy 
has  long  since  been  established.  Since  grain  and  cattle  then 
comprised  the  bulk  of  the  Santa  Fe's  eastbound  traffic,  and 
since  Kansas  City  was  only  sixty-seven  miles  east  of  Topeka, 
it  was  soon  found  necessary  to  secure  direct  terminal  facili- 
ties with  this  rising  metropolis.  Getting  into  Kansas  City 
was  of  two-fold  importance  to  the  Company.  By  providing 
superior  market  facilities  near  at  hand  for  livestock  and 
grain,  the  production  of  these  staples  along  the  line  of  the 
Santa  Fe  would  be  stimulated,  which  would  encourage  land 
sales  and  settlement;  and  which  finally  would  add  to  the 
general  prosperity  of  the  road.  Again,  because  of  the 
Eastern  roads  now  focusing  at  Kansas  City,  much  west- 
bound traffic,  both  freight  and  passenger,  would  be  gained 
there.     Access  to  Kansas  City  was  secured  on  October  1st, 

"Santa  Fe."    This  book  uses  the  words  promiscuously  although  in  dis- 
cussing the  financial  affairs  of  the  road  "Atchison"  will  be  more  com- 
monly used  as  is  the  custom. 
"Independence,  Westport,  Leavenworth,  Atchison  and  St.  Joseph. 


Into  the  Rocky  Mountains  143 

1875,  when  the  Santa  Fe  Company  leased  the  Kansas  City, 
Topeka  and  Western,  a  local  road  that  had  already  been 
constructed  between  Topeka  and  Kansas  City.  Terminal 
facilities  were  secured  by  a  joint  arrangement  with  the 
Kansas  City  and  St.  Joseph,  and  the  Burlington  roads,  thus 
making  complete  a  strategic  and  extremely  valuable  exten- 
sion that  was  to  be  the  eastern  terminus  of  the  Santa  Fe 
for  more  than  ten  years. 

Extension  westward  had  gone  on  steadily;  the  line  was 
completed  to  Pueblo  and  placed  in  regular  operation  March 
1,  1876.  Thus  a  main  line  had  been  gained  with  two  ter- 
minals on  the  Missouri  river  and  extending  westward  to  the 
foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  Because  of  adverse  business 
conditions  in  1873-1874  and  because  of  the  natural  con- 
servatism of  the  Boston  financiers  who  were  directing  the 
policies  of  the  Company,  the  road  had  been  developing  slowly 
and  cautiously.  A  great  flood  in  southeastern  Colorado  in 
1875  had  washed  out  considerable  portions  of  the  new  line, 
making  its  construction  unusually  expensive.  Thus  it  was 
decided  to  retrench,  and  for  the  next  two  years,  aside  from 
routine  operation,  little  was  done  except  to  improve  the 
physical  condition  of  the  railroad  property. 

The  years  1875-1876,  aside  from  the  extensions  already 
described,  were  largely  concerned  with  outlays  for  improve- 
ment of  tracks  and  road-bed,  and  right-of-way,  for  the  erec- 
tion of  station  buildings  and  fences,  and  the  increase  and 
betterment  of  locomotives  and  rolling  stock.  During  the  first 
half  of  1877  the  line  again  suffered  serious  damage  from 
high  water  due  to  abnormal  rains,  and  in  repairing  these 
losses — inflicted  upon  embankments,  cuts,  bridges  and  road- 
bed in  general — the  officials  were  led  to  make  renewed  efforts 
and  consequently  large  expenditures  to  improve  the  line  still 
more.    Old  iron  rails  were  replaced  here  and  there  with  steel. 


144  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Thousands  of  new  ties  were  laid,  a  considerable  amount  of 
track  was  ballasted  with  crushed  rock  and  by  the  close  of 
that  year  the  line  was  declared  to  be  in  as  good  repair  as  at 
any  previous  time.  A  total  of  more  than  $340,000,  a  large 
sum  for  a  new  and  struggling  road,  had  been  spent  for  the 
purpose. 

The  extensions  to  Pueblo  and  Kansas  City,  which  had  been 
made  with  so  much  caution,  had  at  once  proved  successful, 
for  they  increased  the  traffic  of  the  Company  to  a  profitable 
extent.  Net  earnings  for  1876  were  nearly  $1,200,000,  ex- 
ceeding the  estimate  for  that  year  by  more  than  $175,000. 
The  net  earnings  for  1875  had  been  only  a  little  over  $750,- 
000.  For  1877  they  rose,  in  spite  of  flood  losses,  to  $1,219,- 
000.  While  land  sales  and  the  development  of  company  lands 
had  perhaps  been  chiefly  responsible  for  this  prosperity,  the 
extension  of  the  line  to  Kansas  City  and  Pueblo  had  con- 
tributed much  to  net  earnings.  Li  1875  it  was  announced 
that  6,000  tourists  were  visiting  the  Colorado  Rockies  an- 
nually and  the  increase  of  traffic  due  to  the  opening  of 
Southern  Colorado  was  all  that  could  be  expected.  In  other 
words,  the  progress  of  the  road  had  proved  conclusively  that 
expansion  brought  more  traffic  and  that  to  grow  meant  to 
prosper.  The  careful  management  of  the  road  evidently 
were  not  insensible  of  this  situation,  for  they  projected  a 
line  from  Florence,  Kansas,  down  the  Walnut  Valley  to  the 
south  border  of  the  state,  and  this  road  was  built  and  put 
into  operation  as  far  as  El  Dorado,  31  miles,  about  July, 
1877.  In  building  this  branch,  however,  the  directors  were 
probably  impelled  more  by  the  demands  of  settlers  who  were 
buying  lands  in  this  vicinity  than  from  a  desire  to  expand. 
Apparently  there  was  no  desire  on  the  part  of  the  capitalists 
who  now  controlled  the  policies  of  the  road  to  make  the  Santa 
Fe  a  great  railroad ;  it  appears  from  a  careful  study  of  the 


Into  the  Rocky  Mowntams  145 

Company's  reports  that  down  to  1877  the  chief  purpose  was 
to  develop  a  first  class  railroad  between  the  Missouri  and 
the  Rockies ;   to   exploit   thoroughly   the   lands    and   other 
natural  resources  touched  by  the  lines  thus  constructed,  and 
to  round  out  an  efficient  and  profitable  transportation  prop- 
erty whose  interests  would  be  purely  local.     So  recently  as 
1874,  when  construction  of  the  Pueblo  and  Arkansas  Valley 
was  about  to  commence,  the  directors  announced  that,  "At 
Pueblo  we  shall  connect  with  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande 
narrow  gauge  railroad  running  northward  to  Denver,  west- 
ward to  Canon  City  and  southward  ultimately  to  Santa  Fe 
and  the  City  of  Mexico."    In  short,  the  policy  of  the  Santa 
Fe  railroad  management  during  this  period  was  very  con- 
servative— a  policy  dictated  in  part,  no  doubt,  by  a  strin- 
gent money  market.    While  it  was  finding  that  its  own  busi- 
ness grew  by  leaps  and  bounds  as  a  result  of  extended  mile- 
age, it  had  up  to  this  time  evidently  intended  to  rely  for 
more  remote  western  connections,  such  as  Denver  and  Santa 
Fe,  upon  the  growth  of  a  purely  local  but  ambitious  narrow 
gauge  line  that  as  yet  began  and  ended  in  Colorado.     But 
the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  was   an  aggressive  company. 
Should  it  gain  prior  control  of  certain  strategic  mountain 
passes   over  which   any   railway   seeking  to   penetrate    the 
Rockies   in   this   region  must  go,  the   Santa  Fe  might  be 
effectually  blocked  and  forever  remain  a  local  railroad  some 
few  hundred  miles  in  extent.     If  the  Santa  Fe  ever  were  to 
achieve  greatness  a  master  hand  was  now  needed  in  the  abso- 
lute direction  of  its  affairs.     Such  was  the  situation  when, 
after  nearly  two  years  of  cautious  procedure,  the  directors 
elected  Mr.  Strong  general  manager,  and  "matured  a  plan 
for  extending  the  line  to  the  vicinity  of  Santa  Fe,"  New 
Mexico.     Thus  the  scene  was  cleared  for  one  of  the  greatest 
railroad  leaders  this  country  has  produced. 


146  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

William  B.  Strong  3  was  a  remarkable  man  who  contrib- 
uted much  to  the  upbuilding  of  the  entire  Southwest,  for  he 
brought  into  actual  existence  a  transcontinental  railroad 
system,  and  with  it  an  industrial  empire.  He  made  Cyrus 
Holliday's  dreams  a  reality.  Strong's  extraordinary 
achievements  were  in  part  made  possible  by  his  own  great 
ambitions,  his  fighting  determination  and  his  powerful 
leadership;  his  achievements  were  realized  through  the 
superb  cooperation  and  engineering  genius  of  Albert  A. 
Robinson. 

On  November  1, 1877,  Strong  began  service  with  the  Santa 

'Before  coming  to  the  Santa  Fe  Strong's  career  though  successful 
had  not  been  startling.  He  was  born  in  Brownington,  Vermont,  on 
May  16,  1837,  of  New  England  parentage,  which  stock  has  given  to  the 
Santa  Fe  some  of  its  ablest  men.  While  he  was  very  young  his  parents 
moved  to  Beloit,  Wisconsin,  where  he  grew  up.  His  education  was  com- 
pleted in  the  public  schools  of  Beloit  and  in  a  Chicago  Business  College 
from  which  he  was  graduated  in  1855.  His  schooling  ended  at  eighteen, 
young  Strong  decided  at  once  to  go  into  railroading  in  which  business 
he  was  destined  within  thirty  years  to  transform  the  transportation 
map  of  the  United  States. 

Strong  began  railroad  work  on  March  22,  1855,  as  a  station  agent 
and  telegraph  operator  at  Milton,  Wisconsin.  Subsequently  for  the  next 
ten  years  he  served  as  station  agent  at  Whitewater,  and  Monroe,  Wis- 
consin, and  finally  as  general  agent  of  the  Southwestern  Division  of 
the  Chicago,  Milwaukee  and  St.  Paul  Railway  with  headquarters  in 
Janesville.  In  1865-1867  he  was  assistant  superintendent  of  the  McGre- 
gor Western  Railway  at  McGregor,  Iowa.  From  1867  to  1870  he  was 
general  western  agent  of  the  Chicago  and  Northwestern  line  with  head- 
quarters in  Council  Bluffs. 

In  1870-72  Mr.  Strong  served  as  assistant  general  superintendent 
of  the  Chicago,  Burlington  and  Quincy  at  Burlington,  Iowa.  From 
1872  to  1874  he  was  stationed  in  Chicago  as  superintendent  of  the  con- 
solidated Burlington  and  Missouri  and  the  C.  B.  &  Q.  lines.  In  1874- 
1875  he  was  general  superintendent  of  the  Michigan  Central,  with 
offices  still  in  Chicago.  In  1875  he  returned  to  the  Burlington  as  gen- 
eral superintendent  of  that  important  system,  which  position  he  held  two 
years  until  he  became  general  manager  of  the  Santa  Fe. 


Into  the  "Rocky  Mowntams  147 

Fe  as  general  manager,  and  a  few  weeks  later,  on  December 
17,  he  was  also  elected  vice  president.  On  July  12,  1881, 
he  was  chosen  president  and  a  director  of  the  Santa  Fe  with 
headquarters  in  Boston.  His  presidency  lasted  a  little  over 
eight  years. 

A  natural  leader  and  a  hard  fighter,  Mr.  Strong  found 
chances  enough  to  exercise  his  talents  in  the  service  of  the 
Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe.  Almost  immediately  he 
plunged  into  the  work  of  extending  the  road  in  Colorado  and 
into  New  Mexico.  This  was  a  huge  enterprise,  for  it  meant 
building  through  the  mountains,  and  it  was  to  involve  sharp 
clashes  with  rival  forces,  but  Strong  loved  opposition  for 
the  sake  of  overpowering  it,  and  the  strength  of  his  leader- 
ship soon  was  felt.  His  first  important  act  was  to  go  to 
Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  at  the  request  of  President  Nicker- 
son,  to  secure  territorial  legislation  specially  authorizing 
the  construction  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  main 
line  south  from  La  Junta,  Colorado,  and  through  New 
Mexico,  with  a  possible  view  some  day  of  extending  the  line 
still  farther  westward,  perhaps  to  the  Pacific  Coast.  New 
Mexico  already  had  a  law  providing  in  a  general  way  for 
the  incorporation  and  construction  of  railways,  but  it  was 
hoped  that  special  legislative  aid  might  be  secured  to  aid 
the  plan.  While  much  traffic  would  certainly  be  had  from 
building  into  New  Mexico,  the  territory  was  still  sparsely 
settled  and  it  seemed  to  offer  no  immediate  revenues  com- 
mensurate with  the  expense  of  building  over  the  Rockies  to 
get  into  the  territory.  Besides,  much  mountainous  country 
and  consequent  expense  would  be  encountered  in  building 
across  New  Mexico. 

Governor  Pitkin  of  Colorado,  Colonel  Nutt,  who  later  be- 
came president  of  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  railroad,  and 
Miguel  Otero,  a  prominent  New  Mexican,  accompanied  Mr, 


148  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Strong  to  the  capital.  On  their  arrival  they  found  that 
through  the  alleged  influence  of  the  Southern  Pacific  a  bill 
called  the  California  Act  had  just  been  passed  by  the  terri- 
torial legislature.  This  law  required  among  other  things 
that  at  least  ten  per  cent,  of  the  estimated  cost  of  building 
any  proposed  line  should  be  raised  and  the  money  paid 
into  the  treasury  of  the  intended  corporation  before  oper- 
ations could  begin.  Such  an  obstructive  measure  was  well 
calculated  to  thwart  any  immediate  steps  that  the  Santa  Fe 
management  with  their  limited  resources  were  likely  to  take 
in  New  Mexico,  since  it  would  be  well-nigh  impossible  to  raise 
money  to  build  a  railroad  through  a  sparsely  settled  terri- 
tory with  such  a  law  in  force ;  but  the  new  general  manager 
was  not  to  be  so  easily  brushed  aside.  Obviously  the  act 
in  question  had  been  lobbied  through  the  legislature.  Strong 
and  his  friends  therefore  began  to  lobby  for  its  amend- 
ment or  repeal.  This  was  a  difficult  proposition,  as  the  New 
Mexicans,  in  spite  of  the  backward  condition  of  their  terri- 
tory, seem  to  have  disliked  the  idea  of  a  railroad  entering 
their  territory  from  the  north  and  east;  they  were  jealous 
and  fearful  of  a  "Yankee  invasion."  Their  sentiment  was 
probably  expressed  in  a  remark  which  the  president  of  the 
Senate,  a  native  New  Mexican,  is  said  to  have  made  to  Mr. 
Otero,  likewise  a  New  Mexican  but  a  progressive,  who  accom- 
panied Mr.  Strong's  party:  "We  don't  want  you  damned 
Yankees  in  the  country.  We  can't  compete  with  you;  you 
will  drive  us  all  out,  and  we  shall  have  no  home  left  us.  We 
won't  have  you  here." 

It  was  soon  found  that  the  so-called  California  Act  of 
1878  had  not  yet  gone  into  effect  nor  had  it  repealed  the 
General  Incorporation  Act  of  1868 — amended  in  1876 — 
which  authorized  railroads  to  incorporate  without  undue 
restrictions.     Under  the  provisions  of  the  older  law  Strong 


Into  the  Rocky  Mountains  149 

and  his  men  incorporated  the  New  Mexico  and  Southern 
Pacific  Railroad  Company  under  which  charter  the  Santa 
Fe  was  to  build  and  for  a  time  operate  its  road  in  New 
Mexico.  It  is  said  that  these  incorporators  were  also  instru- 
mental in  securing  the  passage  of  "An  Act  explanatory  of 
an  Act  providing  for  the  incorporation  of  railroad  com- 
panies in  this  Territory,"  an  innocent-looking  statute  con- 
sisting of  but  two  sections  which  exempted  from  taxation  for 
six  years  all  portions  of  the  railroads  named  in  articles  of 
incorporation,  with  a  further  provision  that  under  this  law 
no  railroad  could  be  exempt  from  taxation  longer  than 
twelve  years  from  the  date  of  its  beginning.  Another  supple- 
mentary law,  likewise  very  brief,  extended  all  the  powers, 
privileges  and  exemptions  thus  legalized  to  any  railroads 
incorporated  in  New  Mexico.  All  legislative  opposition  to 
building  through  the  Territory  was  thus  evaded  through 
the  efficient  efforts  of  Wm.  B.  Strong  and  his  friends. 

Returning  to  Pueblo  Mr.  Strong  found  President  Nicker- 
son  whose  conservatism  now  presented  a  new  obstacle  to  the 
manager's  ambitions.  The  president  was  willing  enough  to 
secure  the  right  to  build  southward  but  a  very  cautious 
man,  he  was  disappointed  because  Strong  had  not  secured 
a  subsidy  from  the  legislature.  He  felt,  perhaps  with  rea- 
son, that  the  traffic  to  be  gained  from  building  into  New 
Mexico  would  not  justify  the  outlay — at  least  not  for  some 
time.  The  transportation  business  of  New  Mexico  consisted 
mainly  of  bringing  in  and  distributing  of  merchandise  to  the 
various  mining  camps,  towns  and  ranches.  No  reliable  figures 
are  obtainable  as  to  the  precise  amount  of  this  business. 
In  1876  the  wagon  trade  to  old  Santa  Fe  amounted  to  over 
$2,000,000.  Large  quantities  of  freight  were  hauled  through 
the  Territory  to  Old  Mexico,  and  until  the  Southern  Pacific 
railroad  was  built  to  California,  considerable  amounts  of 


150  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

hides,  wool  and  precious  metals  were  sent  out  of  New  Mexico 
perhaps  to  the  amount  of  one  million  dollars  a  year,  but  all 
this  business,  as  much  as  it  had  fired  the  brain  of  Colonel 
Holliday,  meant  only  a  few  hundred  cars  of  freight  each 
year.  It  is  a  singular  fact  that  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and 
Santa  Fe,  in  common  with  our  Western  railroads,  prospered 
and  became  powerful  by  building  straight  into  undeveloped 
or  thinly  settled  country  hundreds  of  miles  from  the  centers 
of  population  and  civilization.  They  prospered  by  devel- 
oping the  country  through  which  they  passed,  thus  creating 
their  own  business,  and  by  establishing  through  transporta- 
tion routes  to  the  Pacific  Coast  over  which  much  traffic  nec- 
essarily had  to  pass.  It  took  courage  to  drive  the  Santa  Fe 
road  over  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  perhaps  Mr.  Nickerson, 
the  good  and  prudent  Bostonian,  need  not  be  blamed  for 
counseling  delay. 

But  Strong  was  always  for  immediate  action  and  he 
generally  got  what  he  wanted.  His  fondness  for  action  had 
a  lot  to  do  with  the  phenomenal  growth  of  the  Santa  Fe 
during  those  years.  After  much  haggling  Strong  got  Nick- 
erson's  permission  to  go  ahead  "in  the  spring"  with  some 
preliminary  surveys  through  Southern  Colorado  and  over 
Raton  Pass  into  New  Mexico.  Only  a  nominal  sum,  not  more 
than  $20,000,  would  be  allowed  for  this  work.  This  was  all 
the  manager  wanted,  for  with  a  sufficient  leeway  as  a  be- 
ginning, he  at  once  started  a  series  of  operations  that  even 
the  president  failed  to  stop.  All  these  events  took  place  in 
February,  1878 ;  the  interview  between  Strong  and  Nickerson 
had  been  held  on  the  26th.  As  soon  as  he  had  been  author- 
ized to  begin  work  "in  the  spring,"  Strong  went,  without  a 
moment's  delay,  to  Chief  Engineer  A.  A.  Robinson,  who 
likewise  happened  to  be  in  Pueblo,  and  ordered  him  to  pro- 
ceed at  once  to  Raton  Pass,  to  occupy  the.  Pass  and  hold  it. 


Into  the  Rocky  Mountains  151 

A  short  digression  here  is  necessary  to  explain  why 
Strong  was  so  anxious  to  get  control  of  the  Pass.  This 
defile  then  offered  the  only  practicable  means  of  getting  a 
railroad  into  northern  New  Mexico.  Situated  on  the  border 
between  Colorado  and  New  Mexico  its  north  entrance  just 
sixteen  miles  below  Trinidad,  it  lay  directly  on  the  Santa  Fe 
trail,  the  logical  route  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe 
railroad.  Raton  Pass  enabled  the  Santa  Fe  traders  to 
cross  the  Rockies  at  an  altitude  of  about  8,000  feet.  It 
was,  in  short,  the  gateway  to  Northern  New  Mexico  and  had 
for  years  been  a  famous  toll  road  along  the  Santa  Fe  trail. 

Reference  has  been  made  to  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande 
railroad.  This  rival  company,  organized  some  years  before, 
was  projected  850  miles,  from  Denver,  Colorado,  to  El  Paso, 
Texas.  By  June,  1872,  the  road,  a  narrow-gauge  line,  had 
been  constructed  118  miles  between  Denver  and  Pueblo.  In 
October  of  that  year  it  opened  a  branch  from  Puehk)  to  the 
Canon  Coal  Mines,  37  miles  west.  It  was  this  branch  that 
delivered  to  the  Santa  Fe  goodly  amounts  of  coal  for  ship- 
ment eastward  when  the  latter  road  afterwards  reached 
Pueblo.  Although  its  construction  was  retarded  by  the  bad 
times  incident  to  the  panic  of  1873,  the  "little  road,"  as  the 
Denver  and  Rio  Grande  came  to  be  called,  had  of  late  been 
steadily  expanding  under  the  strong  leadership  of  General 
Wm.  J.  Palmer,  a  very  capable  man  who  embodied  many 
of  Mr.  Strong's  characteristics. 

Building  south  from  Pueblo  the  Rio  Grande 4  had,  by 
means  of  bold  engineering,  twisted  its  way  through  the 
mountains  of  southern  Colorado  and  down  into  the  San  Luis 
Valley.     In  1876  it  was  opened  to  El  Moro  near  Trinidad. 

4  To  avoid  tiresome  monotony  in  this  narrative,  reference  will  be  made 
to  the  Denver  &  Rio  Grande  as  the  "little  road,"  the  "Rio  Grande"  and 
the  "D.  &  R.  G." 


15£  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

It  then  pushed  west  from  Cuchara  into  South  Central  Colo- 
rado, reaching  Fort  Garland  in  1877  and  Alamosa  by  June, 
1878.  Although  a  local  affair,  still  confined  wholly  to  Colo- 
rado, the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  was  prosperous  and  ag- 
gressive. It  had  large  ambitions,  and  it  resented  the  intru- 
sion of  its  larger  rival,  the  Santa  Fe,  which  had  been  advanc- 
ing steadily  into  the  Rocky  Mountain  country.  After  the 
latter  had  reached  Pueblo  the  two  companies  soon  became 
sharp  rivals.  The  "little  road,"  though  doing  a  good  busi- 
ness, had  by  the  spring  of  1878  strained  its  finances  in 
costly  extension  work  through  the  mountains.  By  May  of 
that  year  it  was  having  trouble  to  meet  the  interest  on  its 
bonded  indebtedness.  This  stringency  was  intensified  by  a 
falling  off  in  traffic,  much  of  which  the  Santa  Fe  was  getting 
at  Pueblo — which  did  not  conduce  to  good  feelings.  Like- 
wise, the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  feared  that  the  Santa  Fe 
would  radiate  lines  from  Pueblo  into  its  most  profitable 
territory  in  the  interior  of  Colorado,  such  as  the  South  Park, 
the  Upper  Arkansas  and  San  Juan  districts,  and  Denver. 
And  finally  it  might  be  feared  that  the  Santa  Fe  would 
tap  northern  New  Mexico  via  Trinidad  and  rob  the  Rio 
Grande  of  any  prospective  traffic  she  was  likely  to  get 
through  the  development  of  that  territory.  Having  built 
through  El  Moro  to  La  Veta  in  southern  Colorado,  the  nar- 
row gauge  therefore  felt  the  necessity  of  crossing  the  state 
line  into  New  Mexico,  where  it  would  for  a  time  at  least  be 
safe  from  outside  competition.  During  this  same  month  of 
May  its  finances  were  patched  up  by  General  Palmer,  and 
the  company  was  ready  for  an  encounter  with  the  Santa  Fe. 
Once  over  Raton  Pass,  the  very  momentum  which  must  be 
expended  in  crossing  the  mountains  was  bound  to  carry  the 
first  railroad  to  pass  the  divide  down  the  easy  stretches  of 
northern  New  Mexico  and  over  the  Glorietas  to  Santa  Fe 


Into  the  Rocky  Mountains  153 

or  Albuquerque.  Having  gained  either  of  these  points,  the 
railroad  was  quite  likely  to  be  lured  on  to  Old  Mexico  or  the 
Pacific. 

Strong  saw  this  situation,  and  he  had  the  resolution 
to  over-ride  the  timidity  of  his  official  superior  and  act  at 
once.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  invincible  determination  of 
Strong  and  the  intelligent  cooperation  of  Robinson  it  is 
quite  possible  that  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  and  not  the 
Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  would  have  first  crossed 
New  Mexico,  and  become  a  great  system.  As  it  was,  the 
Santa  Fe  crossed  the  divide,  gained  the  coast  and  became  a 
transcontinental  railroad  while  the  Rio  Grande  still  is  con- 
fined to  three  states.  Small  wonder  then,  that  on  February 
26,  1878,  Strong  ordered  Robinson  in  haste  to  Raton  Pass, 
and  to  seize  and  hold  the  Pass  against  all  opposition. 

Palmer  was  on  the  alert  and  not  to  be  outdone  if  he  could 
prevent  it.  He  appears  to  have  shadowed  the  Santa  Fe 
plans,  and,  late  in  February,  he  also  made  ready  a  force  of 
men  and  teams  and  placed  them  in  Raton  Pass.  It  so 
happened  that  Mr.  Robinson  of  the  Santa  Fe,  and  Chief 
Engineer  McMurtrie,  of  the  Rio  Grande,  field  leaders  of  the 
rival  forces,  traveled  together  on  the  same  Denver  and  Rio 
Grande  train  from  Pueblo  to  El  Moro,  the  nearest  railroad 
point  to  the  scene  of  operations.  Arriving  at  El  Moro  that 
evening  Mr.  McMurtrie  went  to  bed  while  Engineer  Robinson 
hurried  overland  to  the  home  of  "Dick"  Wootton,  near  the 
north  slope  of  the  mountain,  a  famous  old  scout,  who  oper- 
ated a  toll  road  over  the  Pass.  This  was  to  be  near  the  scene 
and  ready  for  any  emergency.  About  11  o'clock  that  night 
Robinson  was  informed  by  a  special  messenger  from  Trini- 
dad that  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  people  had  organized  a 
force  of  graders  and  were  moving  across  the  country  back  of 
Trinidad  to  the  Pass.    There  was  no  time  to  lose.    Hurrying 


154  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

with  all  speed  to  Trinidad,  Robinson,  accompanied  by  a  staff 
engineer,  Wm.  Morley,  got  together  a  crowd  of  men  with 
shovels  and  returning  had  detailed  this  party  at  several 
strategic  points  through  the  Pass  and  were  busily  grading 
for  the  Santa  Fe  railroad  by  5 :00  A.  M.  One  of  the  workers 
was  sturdy  old  "Dick"  Wootton,  who  began  shoveling  by 
lantern  light  near  what  now  is  the  north  approach  to  Raton 
tunnel.  Not  long  after  daybreak  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande 
forces  arrived  only  to  find  their  rivals  in  complete  possession 
of  Raton  Pass — a  defile  that  held  the  destinies  of  a  great 
railroad.  Some  loud  and  bitter  words  were  exchanged,  but 
the  Santa  Fe  men,  though  threatened,  declared  they  had 
first  possession  and  would  fight  to  retain  their  ground  if 
necessary.  After  much  blustering,  their  opponents  with- 
drew and  setting  up  camp  nearby  began  locating  a  rival 
line  over  the  mountain,  following  a  stream  known  as  Chicken 
Creek.  But  this  route  soon  proved  wholly  impracticable 
and  within  a  few  weeks,  on  April  18th,  the  Rio  Grande  people 
withdrew  and  went  north  to  Canon  City,  leaving  the  Santa 
Fe  graders  in  undisturbed  possession.  Building  the  Santa 
Fe  southward  was  now  to  proceed  steadily. 

Mr.  Strong's  forces  were  doubtless  able  to  forestall  their 
opposition  because  of  the  hearty  support  given  by  the 
people  of  Trinidad  and  vicinity.  Trinidad  was  angry  at  the 
narrow  gauge  company  because  the  latter  had  passed  them 
by  in  constructing  its  line  and  had  built  the  rival  town  of 
El  Moro.  No  deadlier  insult  could  have  been  offered  to  an 
ambitious  western  village,  and  it  is  not  therefore  surprising 
that  Trinidad  worked  loyally  for  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and 
Santa  Fe.  Thus  far  there  had  been  no  actual  conflict — only 
some  energetic  forestalling  and  a  war  of  words.  The  scene 
now  shifts  to  the  struggle  for  another  strategic  pass,  the 
Grand  Canon  of  the  Arkansas  in  South  Central  Colorado, 


Into  the  Rocky  Mountains  155 

which  struggle  was  to  last  nearly  two  years,  creating  a  sit- 
uation unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  American  railroads. 

About  forty-three  miles  west  of  Pueblo  in  Fremont 
County,  Colorado,  the  Arkansas  River  emerges  from  the 
mountains  through  a  great  fissure  about  fifty  miles  in  length, 
commonly  known  as  the  Grand  Canon  of  the  Arkansas  5  or 
the  Royal  Gorge.  In  reality,  however,  the  Royal 
Gorge  is  only  a  sharp  constriction  of  three  or  four  miles 
where  the  Canon  walls  come  very  close  together  and  rise 
with  scenic  grandeur  nearly  three  thousand  feet  above  the 
river.  Because  of  the  narrowness  of  this  Gorge  but  very 
little  room  is  left  between  the  stream  and  the  rocky  walls, 
so  little  in  fact,  that  in  places  a  single-track  railroad  was 
constructed  with  difficulty.  Building  two  lines  through  the 
Gorge  was  out  of  the  question;  building  two  roads  through 
the  entire  canon  was  not  practicable.  Whereas  the  Raton 
Pass  was  the  natural  gateway  to  northern  New  Mexico,  the 
Grand  Canon  of  the  Arkansas  led  through  the  Rockies  to 
the  interior  of  Colorado.  Now  Fremont  County  and  Canon 
City,  its  county  seat,  greatly  needed  more  railroads — in  fact 
the  development  of  this  locality  had  been  much  retarded 
through  lack  of  good  transportation  facilities.  In  the  year 
1867  a  committee  of  Fremont  County  citizens  had  tried  to 
induce  the  Kansas  Pacific  Company,  then  building  across 
Western  Kansas,  to  extend  their  line  through  South  Central 
Colorado.  General  W.  G.  Palmer,  afterwards  of  Denver 
and  Rio  Grande  fame,  was  then  managing  director  of  the 
Kansas  Pacific,  and  with  W.  H.  Greenwood,  chief  engineer, 
had  charge  of  construction.   In  compliance  with  the  requests 

8  Not  to  be  confused  with  the  Grand  Canon  of  the  Colorado  in  north- 
western Arizona,  an  incomparably  greater  chasm  over  two  hundred  miles 
in  length,  some  thirteen  miles  in  width,  and  a  mile  deep — one  of  the 
world's  scenic  wonders. 


156  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

of  Fremont  County  citizens,  Palmer  then  organized  and  di- 
rected an  expedition  that  surveyed  a  line  which  in  1868 
Palmer  advocated.  The  route  thus  recommended  ran  south- 
westward  from  Ellsworth,  Kansas,  through  the  canon  to 
the  headquarters  of  the  Arkansas  and  thence  through  the 
San  Luis  Valley  to  the  35th  parallel  and  beyond  to  the 
coast.  Had  the  Kansas  Pacific  followed  this  line  it  would 
instantly  have  tapped  some  of  the  richest  portions  of  Col- 
orado. But  the  Eastern  managers  of  the  Kansas  Pacific 
finally  decided  to  build  to  Denver,  which  was  done,  and  as  a 
result  that  road  never  became  a  factor  in  southern  Colorado. 
After  the  Kansas  Pacific  had  finally  been  diverted  to 
Denver,  Palmer  seems  to  have  conceived  building  the  narrow 
gauge  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  from  Denver  southward ^long 
the  foot  of  the  mountains.  Chagrined  in  not  having  secured 
an  eastern  outlet  through  the  Kansas  Pacific,  Fremont 
County  gladly  voted  $50,000  in  county  bonds  6  to  aid  the 
narrow  gauge  road.  Meanwhile,  as  already  stated,  the  Rio 
Grande  had  reached  Pueblo  whence  by  October,  1872,  it 
had  built  its  spur  to  Labran  in  the  Canon  coal  fields  eight 
miles  from  Canon  City.  Then  without  stopping  to  extend 
its  tracks  to  this  county  seat,  it  had  hurried  southward 
to  reach  some  good  deposits  of  coking  coal  near  El  Moro. 
Almost  in  despair  the  people  of  Fremont  County  then  held 
a  public  meeting  at  Canon  City,  in  January,  1873,  and 
formally  invited  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  to 
construct  a  line  into  their  locality,  along  the  route  proposed 
by  the  Kansas  Pacific.  But  the  Santa  Fe,  as  we  have  seen, 
was  virtually  at  a  standstill  in  1873-1874.  So  the  County 
again  voted  bonds  to  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande,  this  time 
$100,000;  but  the  bond  election  carried  by  a  majority  of 

"They  were  subsequently  lost  to  the  railroad  through  a  technicality  in 
court  procedure. 


Into  the  Rocky  Mowntams  157 

only  two  votes,  so  that  the  County  Commissioners  refused 
to  issue  the  bonds.  Finally,  in  1874,  an  issue  of  $50,000 
in  bonds  was  carried,  which  was  supplemented  by  a  gift  of 
$25,000  worth  of  property  in  Canon  City,  and  that  year 
the  long-sought  narrow  gauge  railroad  reached  the  county- 
seat. 

Vexed  with  all  this  delay  which  had  only  brought  "half 
a  loaf,"  the  Caiion  City  people  then  made  an  effort  to  secure 
a  road  of  their  own.  In  1876,  silver  had  been  found  in 
profitable  quantities  near  the  source  of  the  Arkansas  at  the 
present  site  of  Leadville  and  this  evidently  prompted  Fre- 
mont County  to  seek  a  western  outlet.  To  that  end  a  rail- 
road company,  the  Canon  City  and  San  Juan,  was  organized 
to  all  appearances  by  local  citizens  in  February,  1877,  and 
projected  westward  through  the  Canon.  Meanwhile  the 
silver  deposits  began  to  attract  more  and  more  attention. 
In  July,  1877,  Leadville,  the  noted  "City  of  the  Clouds,"  was 
started.  By  the  close  of  the  year  it  was  a  village  of  300 
miners  and  prospectors  and  in  January,  1878,  the  town 
was  organized.  By  this  time  reports  of  the  rich  mineral 
deposits  had  been  noised  about  and  in  the  early  spring  of 
1878  there  began  the  famous  "Leadville  boom,"  which  lasted 
two  years.  People  flocked  by  the  thousands  to  Leadville 
where  fabulous  wealth  in  rich  silver  and  lead  ores  was  to  be 
found.  This  turbulent  mining  camp  with  its  increasing 
numbers  and  keen  demand  for  supplies  of  all  descriptions 
made  necessary  a  railroad  through  the  mountains;  almost 
as  if  by  magic  a  great  traffic  prize  had  sprung  up  in  the 
interior.  The  prize  was  Leadville,  and  both  the  Rio  Grande 
and  Santa  Fe  railroads  decided  to  build  extensions  to  the 
new  town.  But  Leadville  could  be  reached  only  through  the 
Royal  Gorge  through  which  but  one  railroad  could  pass, 
Jience  the  struggle  that  followed, 


158  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Both  companies  had  already  made  surveys  through  this 
region,  and  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  claimed  it  had 
secured  a  right-of-way  by  Acts  of  Congress  passed  in  1872 
and  1875.  But  it  had  made  no  effort  to  utilize  such  rights 
and  the  issue  straightway  became  a  contest  for  supremacy 
in  the  Canon.  The  Rio  Grande  had  some  advantage  be- 
cause of  its  branch  line  from  Pueblo,  which,  extending  al- 
most to  the  mouth  of  the  Canon,  would  enable  it  to  transport 
men  and  building  materials  directly  to  the  scene  of  action. 
The  Santa  Fe  on  the  other  hand  had  no  line  nearer  than 
Pueblo,  about  forty  miles  from  the  Caiion,  but  it  had  William 
B.  Strong,  and  some  exceedingly  good  lieutenants;  it  was 
stronger  financially,  and  it  stood  in  better  favor  with  the 
local  population.  The  tactless  policy  hitherto  followed 
by  the  D.  &  R.  G.  of  avoiding  established  places  and  build- 
ing new  towns  had  cost  it  many  friends. 

In  April,  Mr.  Strong  decided  to  show  his  hand.  But  the 
Denver  and  Rio  Grande  officials  having  possession  of  the 
telegraph  lines  were  again  able  to  ascertain  Strong's  plans 
by  deciphering  his  code  dispatches.  Determined  not  to  be 
forestalled  this  time  the  Rio  Grande  management  resolved 
to  assemble  a  force  at  Pueblo,  proceed  over  their  own  line 
to  Caiion  City  and  then  by  a  quick  advance  occupy  the 
entrance  to  the  Canon  before  Strong  could  get  an  equal 
force  together.  One  hundred  men  were  made  ready  and  it 
was  planned  to  leave  Pueblo  on  the  morning  of  April  20th. 
News  of  this  scheme  reached  Mr.  Strong  on  the  19th  at 
El  Moro,  where  he  seems  to  have  been  watching  construction 
work.  He  tried  to  get  a  special  train  over  the  Denver  and 
Rio  Grande,  which  led  directly  north  to  Pueblo,  but  was  of 
course  refused.  To  reach  Pueblo  over  his  own  lines  he  must 
first  travel  overland  77  miles  northeast  to  La  Junta,  and 
then  64  miles  north  and  west.     Delay  meant  defeat  and 


Into  the  Rocky  Mount ams  159 

Strong  could  not  risk  delay.  It  happened  that  one  of  his 
engineers,  Wm.  R.  Morley,  was  at  La  Junta,  and  to  him 
Strong  sent  a  telegram  with  instructions  to  hurry  to  Pueblo 
as  soon  as  possible  and  then  by  all  means  beat  the  Rio 
Grande  crowd  to  the  Canon. 

Morley  instantly  divined  the  situation  and  procuring  a 
locomotive  was  rushed  to  Pueblo  where  he  arrived  at  3 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  20th.  Like  his  general 
manager  at  El  Moro,  he  sought  a  special  locomotive  over  the 
narrow  gauge,  but  without  avail.  It  was  nearly  forty  miles 
to  Canon  City.  Once  there,  Morley  knew  he  could  easily 
gather  a  force,  for  the  town  favored  his  Company.  Within 
a  few  hours  his  rivals  would  start  in  a  special  train.  Were 
he  to  smuggle  himself  into  the  Rio  Grande  crowd,  he  would 
probably  suffer  violence  and  accomplish  nothing,  for  he 
would  have  no  time  after  arriving  to  marshal  a  force  to 
oppose  their  advance.  He  must  get  there  first.  He  had  a 
start  of  several  hours ;  the  narrow  gauge  line  was  new, 
rough,  and  crooked,  the  engine  was, small,  the  schedule  was 
slow.  He  would  beat  them  yet.  Morley  at  once  procured  a 
good  horse  and  started  at  full  gallop.  It  was  a  race  of  flesh 
and  blood  against  a  railroad,  and  a  desperate  ride.  Urging 
the  animal  to  the  limit  of  its  endurance  Morley  had  arrived 
almost  within  sight  of  Canon  City  when  the  animal  fell  dead 
from  exhaustion.  Leaping  to  his  feet  the  rider  ran  the  rest 
of  the  way  alone  and  safely  reached  the  offices  of  the  Canon 
City  and  San  Juan  Company  before  the  train  of  Rio  Grande 
laborers  arrived.  The  friendship  of  Canon  City  for  the 
Santa  Fe  railroad  was  instantly  proven.  A  force  of  towns- 
people with  shovels  and  firearms  quickly  assembled  and 
hurried  two  miles  to  the  entrance  of  the  Canon  where  they 
were  found  in  grim  possession  by  the  D.  &  R.  G.  party  a 
half  hour  later. 


160  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

The  night  before,  the  board  of  directors  of  the  Cafion 
City  and  San  Juan  Railroad  Company  had  met  and  elected 
Wm.  B.  Strong  and  A.  A.  Robinson,  general  manager  and 
chief  engineer  respectively  of  the  Santa  Fe,  to  similar  po- 
sitions in  the  Canon  City  Company.  At  about  the  same 
time  the  Atchison  directors  in  Boston  decided  to  extend  the 
"Pueblo  and  Arkansas  Valley  Railroad"  from  Pueblo  to 
Leadville  and  the  San  Juan  mining  district.  That  same 
year  it  was  planned  to  build  fifty-seven  miles  from  Canon 
City  through  the  Grand  Canon  to  the  South  Arkansas.  The 
work  was  to  be  accomplished  at  an  estimated  cost  of  $750,- 
000  and  to  raise  this  sum  an  issue  of  $750,000  in  first  mort- 
gage 7  per  cent,  gold  bonds — limited  to  $14,000  per  mile  of 
completed  road — was  offered  to  the  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  stock- 
holders. The  extension  when  built  was  to  be  placed  under 
a  30-year  lease  to  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  under 
terms  and  conditions  similar  to  those  by  which  the  line 
from  the  Kansas  boundary  to  Pueblo  was  held. 

At  the  same  time  it  was  officially  decided  to  build  the 
New  Mexico  and  Southern  Pacific  railroad  from  the  north 
line  of  New  Mexico  at  Raton  Pass  southward  via  Las  Vegas 
to  Albuquerque  on  the  Rio  Grande,  248  miles,  at  an  esti- 
mated cost  of  $2,621,000,  which  sum  likewise  would  be  raised 
through  an  issuance  of  first  mortgage  7  per  cent,  gold  bonds 
limited  to  $15,000  per  mile  of  completed  road.  The  bonds 
were  to  be  further  secured  by  a  lease  of  the  property  to  the 
Atchison  Company,  which  guaranteed  a  payment  of  37  per 
cent,  of  the  gross  earnings  of  the  new  road  and  a  rebate  of 
15  per  cent,  on  all  business  delivered  to  and  from  said  line 
at  the  southern  boundary  of  Colorado.  These  securities 
were  quickly  sold,  the  money  was  thus  ready,  and  the  Santa 
Fe  Company  had  definitely  embarked  on  a  policy  of  aggres- 
sive expansion. 


Into  the  Rocky  Mount  ams  161 

Meanwhile  the  Santa  Fe  men,  reinforced  by  outsiders,  had 
barricaded  themselves  at  the  entrance  to  the  Grand  Canon  of 
the  Arkansas.  And  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  men,  not 
to  be  thwarted  in  their  desire  to  secure  the  Pass,  gathered 
in  the  vicinity  in  ominously  increasing  numbers.  There  now 
followed  the  so-called  Grand  Canon  war,  a  battle  of  in- 
junctions, a  series  of  prolonged  lawsuits,  together  with  loud 
threats  and  occasional  violence,  with  both  sides  confronting 
each  other  in  armed  camps — the  first  and  unhappily  not  the 
last  industrial  conflict  that  has  agitated  Colorado. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  OPENING  STRUGGLE  FOR  THE  GRAND  CANON 

WHILE  both  sides  continued  to  increase  their  forces, 
the  scene  quickly  shifted,  first  to  the  State  and  then 
to  Federal  Courts.  The  Santa  Fe  carried  on  the  struggle 
in  the  name  of  the  Canon  City  and  San  Juan  Railroad  Com- 
pany, the  subsidiary  corporation  whose  franchise  rights 
to  build  through  the  Canon  it  had  just  secured;  reference  to 
either  Company  now  meant  one  and  the  same  thing.  On 
April  20th,  the  Santa  Fe  obtained  a  writ  of  temporary  in- 
junction in  the  local  court,  restraining  the  Denver  and  Rio 
Grande  people  from  further  activities  in  the  Canon.  For 
disregarding  this  court  order,  Chief  Engineer  J.  A.  Mc- 
Murtrie  and  R.  F.  Weitbree,  treasurer  of  the  Rio  Grande 
Company,  with  several  other  employees  of  lesser  importance, 
were  arrested  and  placed  under  bonds.  Encouraged  by  this 
opening  advantage  the  Santa  Fe  continued  to  occupy  all 
strategic  points  in  the  defile  with  engineers  and  gangs  of 
workmen.  It  advertised  for  175,000  cross  ties  and  planned 
to  build  through  to  Leadville  immediately.  At  the  same 
time  attorneys  on  both  sides  were  getting  ready  for  a  great 
legal  battle  of  which  the  first  restraining  injunction  was  but 
a  preliminary   skirmish. 

Excitement  became  intense.  Having  its  own  tracks  from 
Pueblo  to  Caiion  City  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  was  able 
to  ship  in  men  and  tools  with  far  greater  dispatch  than  its 
rival,  which  at  the  outset  had  to  depend  upon  local  support, 

162 


The  Opening  Struggle  for  the  Grand  Canon      163 

and  such  overland  transportation  service  between  the  Canon 
and  its  own  tracks  at  Pueblo  as  it  could  devise.  The  Rio« 
Grande  people  made  good  use  of  this  advantage.  They  not 
only  refused  to  haul  any  Santa  Fe  laborers,  but  since  they 
controlled  the  telegraph  wires  at  Canon  City,  only  cen- 
sored messages  not  unfriendly  to  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande 
Company  were  accepted  for  transmission.  By  the  21st,  they 
had  250  men  on  the  scene  with  300  more  expected  soon. 

Mr.  Strong,  however,  was  equal  to  this  handicap.  First 
he  established  a  pony  express  line  that  made  the  forty-mile 
trip  between  the  Caiion  and  Pueblo  on  a  five-hour  schedule. 
On  April  21st,  he  is  said  to  have  had  300  men  at  the  Caiion, 
of  which  number  100  had  been  secured  from  the  camp  of  his 
rivals.  The  Rio  Grande  Company  had  hired  them — men  of  a 
roustabout  class — for  one  dollar  per  day.  Strong  won  their 
services  by  paying  them  a  dollar  and  a  half  and  board. 
Both  companies  built  big  boarding  houses  for  their  men,  one 
mile  apart.  Finally,  on  or  about  the  morning  of  April  22nd, 
Strong  set  175  laborers  at  work  grading  a  rival  Santa  Fe 
line  between  Pueblo  and  Canon  City.  This  branch  it  was 
purposed  to  build  within  thirty  days,  and  it  was  further 
planned  to  reach  Leadville  before  the  end  of  the  year.  At 
the  same  time,  Strong  announced  that  a  broad  gauge  line 
would  be  surveyed  from  Pueblo  to  Denver,  which  was  carry- 
ing the  war  into  the  heart  of  the  enemy's  country.  The 
Santa  Fe  manager  was  making  good  use  of  a  temporary  in- 
junction. Attorneys  for  both  companies  having  presented 
their  arguments,  Judge  Henry  of  the  State  District  Court, 
on  April  26th,  issued  an  injunction  restraining  the  Santa 
Fe  from  further  action  in  the  Canon.  This  brought  all 
building  activities  to  a  temporary  standstill,  although  the 
Santa  Fe  held  firmly  the  strategic  points  it  had  occupied 
and  prepared  to  build  its  main  line  south  from  Trinidad. 


164*  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Late  in  April  the  case  was  presented  to  Judge  Hallett  in 
the  United  States  Circuit  Court  at  Denver ;  and  on  May  6th 
the  opposing  lawyers  appeared  before  Hallett  on  a  motion 
made  by  the  Rio  Grande  to  transfer  to  the  Federal  Court 
the  injunction  case  that  had  originated  in  the  State  Court. 
Since  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  was  a  corporation 
doing  interstate  business  this  move  was  entirely  legal.  When 
first  brought  to  Judge  Hallett  this  application  was  denied 
on  a  technicality,  but  now  the  application  was  renewed  by 
the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  people  on  the  grounds  that 
popular  prejudice  made  it  impossible  to  secure  justice  in 
Fremont  County.  This  was  a  valid  charge.  The  tactless 
policy  of  the  Rio  Grande  management  in  avoiding  established 
towns  and  building  small  places  nearby 1  while  extending 
their  lines,  had  aroused  the  hostility  of  practically  all  the 
older  towns  in  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  territory.  Canon 
City,  which  was  especially  grieved  at  the  narrow  gauge  road 
for  so  long  ignoring  it,  was  solidly  for  the  Atchison  Company 
and  gave  it  all  the  encouragement  and  help  possible. 

There  appeared  before  Judge  Hallett,  Attorneys  Willard 
Teller,  Gilbert  B.  Reed  and  Charles  E.  Gast  for  the  Santa 
Fe ;  while  Messrs.  Wells,  Smith,  and  Macon  of  Denver,  and 
H.  A.  Risley  of  Colorado  Springs,  defended  the  D.  &  R.  G. 
After  listening  to  the  arguments  of  both  sides,  in  view  of  the 
complex  situation  involved,  Judge  Hallett  decided  to  invite 
to  his  bench  a  colleague,  Judge  Dillon  of  St.  Louis,  with 
whom  he  would  consider  the  case  jointly  before  rendering 
a  decision.  At  the  same  time  Hallett  issued  an  order  for- 
bidding either  party  to  work  in  the  disputed  Canon  while 
the  case  was  being  considered.  Neither  side  was  to  molest 
the  other;  an  injunction  was  granted  to  the  Denver  and  Rio 

1  It  has  been  claimed  that  this  was  done  for  the  privilege  of  speculating 
in  new  townsite  property.    The  charge  probably  could  not  be  proved. 


The  Opening  Struggle  for  the  Grand  Canon      165 

Grande  Company  against  the  Santa  Fe,  and  the  injunction 
restraining  the  Rio  Grande  which  the  Santa  Fe  had  secured 
in  the  State  Court  was  allowed  to  stand.  Both  companies 
were  to  desist  from  further  operations,  to  leave  the  ground 
in  controversy  unoccupied,  and  quietly  await  the  law's  de- 
cision. And  to  insure  this  return  to  quiet  with  normal  con- 
ditions, Judge  Hallett  required  each  company  to  furnish  a 
bond  of  $20,000  with  approved  sureties  as  a  pledge  of 
good  behavior.  In  full  compliance  with  the  Court's  order, 
both  parties  seem  to  have  withdrawn  in  good  faith  from 
the  Canon  and  its  immediate  vicinity.  Both  appear,  to  have 
discharged  their  hastily  collected  "armies"  of  laborers,  and 
men  prepared  if  necessary  to  fight,  and  prospects  for  tran- 
quillity looked  good.  Whereas  the  first  stage  of  the  struggle 
had  ended  with  Morley  and  his  followers  in  possession  of  the 
Canon,  the  second  division  of  the  affair,  closed  by  the 
preliminary  court  decree  of  about  May  the  8th,  ended  with 
neither  side  holding  any  apparent  advantage  and  with  a 
return  to  the  existing  order  of  things.  But  much  bad  feeling 
had  been  aroused  and  the  turbulent  forces  thus  assembled 
were  not  to  be  easily  restrained; 

On  the  night  of  May  7th,  Governor  Routt  received  a  tele- 
gram from  the  sheriff  of  Fremont  County  asking  for  help  to 
preserve  peace,  since  the  sheriff  and  his  regular  force  were 
not  able  to  enforce  the  orders  of  the  court  with  respect  to  the 
lawless  mobs  thus  turned  loose.  The  Governor  promptly 
advised  the  sheriff  that  the  latter  had  full  authority  under 
the  law  to  enlist  every  man  in  the  county  if  necessary,  in  an 
effort  to  preserve  order.  The  state  would  not  put  troops 
into  the  field  unless  as  a  very  last  resort  and  this  emergency 
Routt  thought  was  unlikely  to  occur.  Nevertheless,  the 
Governor  arranged  with  the  state's  Adjutant  General  to  be 
ready  with  militia  on  short  notice;  and  Routt  then  warned 


166  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

the  counsel  of  the  two  disputing  railroads  that  their  troubles 
must  under  no  circumstances  become  riotous;  "And  each 
party  registered  a  vow  in  heaven  that  they  would  abide  by 
this  advice."  Some  minor  violence  occurred,  but  as  a  whole 
the  fears  of  the  local  peace  officer  proved  groundless.  Each 
company  met  the  situation  in  good  faith  and  the  month  of 
May  passed  without  serious  outbreak. 

On  the  first  of  June  the  Federal  Judges,  Dillon  and  Hal- 
lett,  rendered  a  concurring  opinion  which  in  effect  permitted 
the  Canon  City  and  San  Juan  Company  (the  Santa  Fe's 
subsidiary)  to  go  on  with  its  grading  in  the  Canon,  but  it 
was  enjoined  not  to  lay  rails  upon  its  grade.  The  injunction 
restraining  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  from  further  action 
was  continued  in  force.  This  arrangement,  however,  was 
intended  only  as  a  makeshift  to  last  until  the  facts  of  the 
case  could  be  more  thoroughly  examined  at  the  regular 
session  of  the  United  States  Circuit  Court  which  was  to 
convene  the  following  month. 

July  9th  the  case  was  formally  taken  up  in  the  Federal 
Court  with  Judge  Dillon  on  the  bench.  The  Rio  Grande 
attorneys  sought  a  perpetual  injunction  restraining  the  At- 
chison, Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  or  its  subsidiaries  forever 
from  building  a  railroad  through  the  Canon.  The  whole 
controversy  was  carefully  reviewed  in  order  that  Judge 
Dillon  might  be  made  familiar  with  every  aspect  of  the  case. 
For  the  Rio  Grande,  Mr.  Macon  argued  correctly  that  the 
Santa  Fe  and  not  the  Canon  City  and  San  Juan  was  com- 
mitting acts  of  aggression.  Whatever  right,  the  Canon  City 
Company  might  have  had  to  the  Canon  had  been  forfeited 
through  its  assent  to  the  conduct  of  the  Santa  Fe  in  taking 
forcible  possession  of  the  Pass.  The  Santa  Fe,  Mr.  Macon 
contended,  had  no  corporate  rights  in  Colorado  and  hence 
both  it  and  its  creature,  the  Canon  City  and  San  Juan, 


The  Opening  Struggle  for  the  Grand  Cafion      167 

should  be  restrained  and  the  injunction  against  the  Denver 
and  Rio  Grande  removed;  for  the  latter  company  had  been 
given  the  only  and  exclusive  right-of-way  through  the  Canon 
by  a  specific  Act  of  Congress  in  1872.  In  short,  the  Rio 
Grande  Company  really  had  no  opponent  in  the  case,  since 
the  Canon  City  and  San  Juan  was  only  a  tool  for  the  Santa 
Fe  Company  which  Macon  claimed  had  no  rights  in  the 
state.  The  Santa  Fe  attorneys  declined  to  reply  to  these 
arguments,  preferring  to  submit  their  case  strictly  on  its 
merits.  After  some  days  had  been  spent  in  examining  wit- 
nesses and  hearing  testimony,  in  which  Engineer  McMurtrie 
of  the  D.  &  R.  G.  testified  that  he  had  made  surveys  in  the 
Canon  as  early  as  in  1871,  the  case  was  continued  into 
August.  Pending  this  outcome,  the  situation  remained 
fairly  quiet. 

On  the  23rd  of  August,  Judge  Halle tt  presiding,  the 
United  States  Circuit  Court  for  Colorado,  announced  its 
decision  which  gave  the  Canon  City  and  San  Juan  Company 
the  prior  right  of  building  its  line  the  twenty  miles  through 
the  Canon  in  accordance  with  the  plat  of  its  surveys  which 
had  been  filed  with  the  Receiver  of  the  Federal  Land  Office 
at  Pueblo  on  July  23,  1877,  and  afterwards  approved  by 
Carl  Schurz,  Secretary  of  the  Interior.  This,  it  is  claimed, 
was  merely  a  preliminary  location  which  the  Canon  City  and 
San  Juan  had  made  a  year  before  when  there  was  no  con- 
troversy, yet  it  had  been  done  in  conformity  with  law.  The 
Denver  and  Rio  Grande  must  in  no  way  interfere  with  the 
Santa  Fe's  operations;  it  could  build  a  line  of  its  own 
through  the  Canon,  but  such  an  enterprise  was  permissible 
only  on  the  condition  that  it  did  not  conflict  with  the  Santa 
Fe's  interests.  The  D.  &  R.  G.  was  given  the  right  to  use 
the  Santa  Fe's  tracks  wherever  the  right-of-way  was  not 
wide  enough  for  both  railroads ;  any  court  could  be  invoked 


168  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

to  enforce  this  order.  Through  the  Royal  Gorge,  which 
narrow  passage  was  the  real  cause  of  dispute,  the  Canon 
City  and  San  Juan  (or  Santa  Fe),  was  given  the  prior  right 
of  location.  It  was  warned  by  the  court,  however,  not  to 
build  its  road  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  construction  un- 
duly expensive  for  the  Rio  Grande  Company;  and  either 
party  might  seek  protection  of  the  court  if  it  felt  that  it 
was  unjustly  treated  by  the  other. 

This  decision  it  will  be  observed  was  a  decided  victory  for 
the  Santa  Fe  people,  for  it  gave  them  the  prior  right  of  lo- 
cating and  building  their  line  through  the  first  twenty  miles 
of  the  Canon  according  to  the  right-of-way  they  had  sur- 
veyed and  platted.  While  the  Congressional  Act  of  1872  had 
granted  to  the  Rio  Grande  a  right-of-way  two  hundred  feet 
wide,  from  Colorado  to  old  Mexico,  that  company  had  not 
taken  formal  steps  to  secure  such  a  right-of-way  through  the 
Canon.  The  decision  did  not  seek  to  exclude  the  Rio  Grande 
Company,  whose  claims  were  merely  subordinated  to  those 
of  the  Santa  Fe.  And  the  decision  took  into  account  only 
the  first  twenty  miles  of  the  Canon  to  which  it  held  the  Santa 
Fe  had  established  its  prior  right  according  to  the  Act  of 
March  3rd,  1875.  The  upper  part  of  the  Canon,  some  thirty 
miles  in  extent,  was  still  in  controversy.  In  this  section 
the  Rio  Grande  people  were  working.  Although  the  A.  T. 
&  S.  F.  through  its  other  subsidiary,  the  Pueblo  and  Arkan- 
sas Valley,  claimed  prior  rights  through  the  upper  Canon 
also,  no  interference  seems  to  have  been  offered. 

While  badly  defeated  by  the  decision  of  August  23rd,  the 
Denver  and  Rio  Grande  forces  under  General  Palmer  would 
not  give  up.  They  promptly  made  an  appeal  to  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court,  and  while  awaiting  a  decision  of  the 
highest  court  went  on  with  the  construction  of  their  line 
from  above  the  twenty-mile  limit  just  decided  in  favor  of  the 


The  Opening  Struggle  for  the  Grand  Canon      169 

Canon  City  and  San  Juan.  In  New  York  a  syndicate  was 
formed,  including  foreign  capitalists,  which  purchased 
$1,000,000  of  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  first  mortgage 
bonds,  which  funds  would  absorb  the  floating  debts  of  the 
company  and  provide  for  a  short  but  vigorous  building 
campaign  in  the  disputed  territory.  Thus  provided,  the 
smaller  company  now  became  the  aggressive  party.  On  or 
about  Septemberlst  it  had  started  suit  in  the  Federal  Circuit 
Court  against  the  Pueblo  and  Arkansas  Valley,  the  Santa 
Fe's  chief  Colorado  subsidiary  company,  for  the  right-of- 
way  through  the  upper  Canon  to  Leadville,  and  from  the 
mouth  of  the  South  Arkansas  to  San  Luis  Park,  due  west  of 
Canon  City.  Judge  Hallett  being  absent  from  the  state, 
the  papers  were  forwarded  to  Judge  Dillon  in  St.  Louis,  who 
took  the  new  case  under  advisement.  By  the  close  of  Sep- 
tember, the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  was  reported  to  be  build- 
ing its  line  from  the  Canon  to  Leadville  as  fast  as  money  and 
men  could  do  the  work.  The  Royal  Gorge  route  was  left 
undisturbed.  Apparently,  a  defeat  had  been  turned  to  a 
victory  and  never  had  Palmer's  able  leadership  shown  to 
better  advantage. 

But  the  Santa  Fe  was  by  no  means  idle.  It  had  made 
surveys  for  a  line  to  Leadville  and  across  the  Poncha  and 
Marshall  Passes,  and  on  September  3rd,  the  Secretary  of 
the  Interior  formally  approved  of  the  plats  thus  submitted 
to  him.  While  the  Company  did  not  claim  any  prior  right- 
of-way  beyond  the  twenty  miles  awarded  by  the  decision  of 
August  23rd,  it  was  nevertheless  making  preparations  to 
build  without  delay  to  Leadville.  On  September  12th  the 
A.  T.  &  S.  F.  consolidated  the  Pueblo  and  Arkansas  Valley 
with  the  Canon  City  and  San  Juan,  thus  bringing  its  Colo- 
rado interests  under  a  single  corporate  head.  The  capital 
stock  of  the  combination  thus  effected  was  $6,000,000.    Not 


170  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

only  did  the  Atchison  people  plan  to  reach  Leadville ;  it  was 
proposed  to  extend  branches  through  Gunnison  Pass,  into 
Park  and  Summit  counties  of  the  interior,  and  through  Col- 
orado Springs  to  Denver.  This  really  meant  the  direct  in- 
vasion of  all  the  territory  occupied  by  the  narrow-gauge 
road. 

Thus  matters  stood  with  both  parties  menacing  each  other 
when,  early  in  October,  the  country  was  astonished  to  hear 
rumors  that  peace  had  been  made,  and  that  the  Santa  Fe  had 
leased  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  railroad.  These  rumors 
were  fully  confirmed  on  October  15th,  by  a  dispatch  from 
Canon  City.  The  careful  policies  of  President  Nickerson 
had  brought  about  this  conciliation.  Strong  knew  the  com- 
parative financial  weakness  of  the  Rio  Grande  Company  and 
was  for  fighting  it  to  a  standstill.  In  this  he  was  dissuaded 
by  the  cautious  Nickerson,  and  so  the  now  famous  "D.  & 
R.  G.  Lease"  was  drawn  up  under  Nickerson's  supervision 
and  signed  in  Boston  on  October  19th,  1878.  The  lease  was 
to  run  thirty  years,  beginning  with  December  1st,  1878. 
It  comprised  all  the  railroad  mileage  "heretofore  constructed 
and  operated"  by  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  in  Colorado, 
commencing  in  the  City  of  Denver  and  extending  thence 
southwardly  through  Colorado  Springs  and  Pueblo  to  El 
Moro  and  the  El  Moro  collieries  near  Trinidad.  Likewise 
the  lease  included  the  extension  from  Cucharas  westward  via 
La  Veta  to  Alamosa,  and  the  branch  from  Pueblo  to  Canon 
City — in  all  3B7  miles  of  track,  not  including  sidings,  to- 
gether with  all  equipment,  grounds,  buildings,  appurte- 
nances, and  privileges  incidental  to  the  operation  of  the 
railroad. 

The  contract  specifically  exempted  the  charter  rights — 
except  those  enumerated — together  with  all  franchises  held 
by  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande.     In  other  words,  this  com- 


The  Opening  Struggle  for  the  Grand  Canon      171 

pany  preserved  its  corporate  existence  in  every  way  and 
merely  leased  its  lines,  facilities,  and  privileges  of  conduct- 
ing transportation  to  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe. 
The  Santa  Fe  agreed  to  operate  the  leased  property  at  its 
own  expense ;  to  maintain  the  property  and  all  equipment  in 
good  repair,  to  make  needful  additions  to  equipment,  and  to 
develop  traffic  in  such  a  manner  as  public  safety  and  needs 
might  require.  It  was  to  pay  the  Rio  Grande  in  monthly 
installments,  an  annual  rental  determined  as  follows :  For  the 
first  year,  43  per  cent,  of  all  gross  earnings  of  the  leased 
lines ;  for  the  second  year  42  per  cent. ;  for  the  third  year  41 
per  cent. ;  jand  continuing  with  a  one  per  cent,  reduction  each 
year  until  the  fourteenth,  whereupon  the  rental  should  stay 
at  36  per  cent,  of  the  annual  gross  earnings  for  the  remain- 
ing sixteen  years  of  the  term. 

It  was  agreed  that  neither  the  Santa  Fe  nor  any  corpo- 
ration under  its  control  should  construct  or  cause  to  be  con- 
structed any  line  or  track  to  parallel  or  compete  with  the 
existing  lines  of  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande.  If  any  third 
rail  2  was  laid  on  the  Santa  Fe  tracks  in  this  combination  to 
make  a  three-foot  gauge,  the  gauge  of  the  Rio  Grande  was 
to  be  widened  and  made  standard  by  the  laying  of  a  third 
rail.  A  road  built  from  a  Denver  and  Rio  Grande 
terminal  as  an  extension  of  such  line  was  to  be  of  three-foot 
gauge. 

The  line  of  transportation  from  Denver  eastward  via 
Pueblo  to  the  Missouri  River  or  to  points  on  any  road  owned 
or  controlled  by  the  Santa  Fe  was  to  remain  open  on  equal 
terms  for  all  parties  in  the  transportation  of  passengers 
and  freight.  In  other  words,  there  was  to  be  no  discrimi- 
nation which  might  work  injury  to  the  normal  volume  of  busi- 

2  The  Santa  Fe  lines  were  all  standard  gauge  of  4  ft.  8%  in.    At  that 
time  the  Rio  Grande,  as  has  been  noted,  was  a  3  foot  gauge. 


172  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

ness  accruing  to  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  Company.  And 
as  an  additional  safeguard,  the  Atchison  Company  bound 
itself  to  make  no  agreement  with  any  competing  road  for  any 
division  of  traffic  territory  or  earnings  unless  the  Rio  Grande 
derived  a  proportionate  benefit  and  advantage.  The  Santa 
Fe  was  to  divert  no  traffic  to  the  detriment  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  nor  could  it  adjust  rates  in  any  way  to  work  harm 
to  the  latter. 

The  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  was  to  keep  up  the 
insurance  and  taxes  on  the  property  leased.  At  Pueblo, 
furthermore,  it  should  maintain  at  its  own  expense  an  au- 
ditor who  was  to  keep  a  full  and  accurate  account  of  all  Rio 
Grande  money,  business,  and  expenditures.  These  records 
were  always  to  be  accessible  to  the  officials  of  the  latter 
company,  while  monthly  and  annual  statements  of  earnings 
and  expenditures,  together  with  the  outlays  for  renewals 
and  repairs,  were  likewise  to  be  rendered  to  the  Denver  and 
Rio  Grande  authorities. 

Upon  receiving  the  Rio  Grande  property  the  Santa  Fe 
was  to  pay  cash  for  all  machinery,  implements,  fuel  and 
railways  supplies  on  hand,  at  a  price  to  be  fixed  by  two  men 
who  were  to  be  appointed,  one  by  the  president  of  each 
company.  If  these  men  disagreed,  the  presidents  might 
jointly  select  an  umpire  and  the  three  men  so  chosen  would 
act  as  appraisers.  The  money  thus  paid  over  was  to  be 
placed  in  trust  and  finally  applied  to  the  debts  of  the  Denver 
and  Rio  Grande  Company,  exclusive  of  capital  stock,  in  so 
far  as  such  debts  exceeded  $%%,664<  per  mile. 

Article  10  provided  that  if  the  Santa  Fe,  its  successors 
or  assigns,  should  at  any  time  fail  to  pay  the  rent  when  due 
and  should  continue  in  default  for  ninety  days,  it  should  be 
lawful  for  the  Rio  Grande  and  its  successors  or  assigns  to 
repossess  the  property  with  all  additions  and  improvements 


The  Opening  Struggle  for  the  Grand  Canon      ITS 

without  notice  to  the  Santa  Fe.  The  latter  should  also 
be  liable  for  all  rent  that  was  in  arrears. 

At  the  expiration  of  the  lease,  either  at  the  end  of  thirty 
years  or  sooner,  the  Atchison  was  to  return  all  the  D.  &  R.  G. 
property  in  as  good  order  as  when  first  received,  due  allow- 
ance having  been  made  for  use  and  wear.  In  such  event,  all 
rolling  stock,  supplies,  etc.,  were  again  to  be  valued  by  two 
appraisers  with  a  third  in  case  of  disagreement.  All  Denver 
and  Rio  Grande  property  was  to  be  in  good  order  on  De- 
cember 2nd,  1878,  when  the  provisions  of  the  lease  were  to 
take  effect.  Finally,  both  parties  agreed  to  assist  each  other 
in  any  lawful  way  in  the  mutual  fulfillment  of  the  terms  of 
the  contract.  Such  in  substance  were  the  main  provisions 
of  the  lease,  which  for  a  time  ended  litigation  between  the 
rival  companies  and  which  seemed  for  the  moment  to  have 
restored  harmony  in  Colorado. 

As  to  the  reasons  for  this  surprisingly  sudden  arrange- 
ment, the  motives  of  the  Santa  Fe  are  not  hard  to  deter- 
mine. Having  assumed  a  definite  policy  of  expansion  under 
the  vigorous  leadership  of  Wm.  B.  Strong,  it  had  come 
into  conflict  with  the  Rio  Grande  Company,  likewise  an 
ambitious  corporation  that  was  full  of  fight.  Finally  a  lease 
had  been  effected,  due  chiefly  to  financial  inferiority  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  which  believed  it  had  secured  good  terms,  and 
because  President  Nickerson  of  the  Santa  Fe  held  this  to  be 
a  safer  procedure  than  to  fight  it  out  in  the  courts  or  in  the 
field. 

As  to  the  Rio  Grande,  the  reasons  for  the  lease  were  set 
forth  by  President  Palmer  in  an  official  circular  dated  No- 
vember 11th,  in  which  it  was  claimed  that  the  object  of  the 
negotiations  was  to  consolidate  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande 
with  the  Pueblo  and  Arkansas  Valley.  It  was  especially  de- 
sired to  equalize  the  stock  and  debts  of  these  two  companies. 


174  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Whereas,  the  P.  &  A.  V.  had  issued  stock  only  at  the  rate  of 
$15,438  per  mile,  with  a  bonded  debt  of  $11,780  per  mile, 
the  stock  and  bonded  indebtedness  of  the  Rio  Grande  were 
$25,222  and  $22,664  per  mile  respectively,  not  to  mention 
a  debt  of  at  least  $500,000  recently  incurred  on  account  of 
extensions  begun  shortly  before  the  lease  was  made.  The 
lease,  Palmer  asserted,  protected  his  bondholders,  since  it 
provided  that  the  entire  rental  be  deposited  in  trust  monthly 
to  be  applied  in  payment  of  Rio  Grande  interest  and  debts. 
If  any  surplus  remained,  it  was  to  be  used  for  the  redemption 
and  cancellation  of  the  company's  bonds  at  their  market 
price.  A  supplementary  personal  agreement  between  Pal- 
mer and  the  Santa  Fe  officials  provided  that  $1,700,000  of 
the  stock  of  the  Pueblo  and  Arkansas  Valley  or  such  portions 
of  this  amount  as  Palmer  might  require,  was  to  be  applied 
through  him  in  further  payment  of  the  company's  debts  in 
excess  of  the  bonded  debt  of  $22,664  per  mile.  This  Pueblo 
and  Arkansas  Valley  stock  was  to  be  exchanged  pro  rata 
with  the  $8,500,000  capital  stock  of  the  Rio  Grande  com- 
pany. In  other  words,  the  Santa  Fe  privately  agreed  to 
exchange  one  share  of  its  Pueblo  and  Arkansas  Valley  stock 
for  five  shares  of  Rio  Grande  stock.  And  inasmuch  as  the 
former  sold  at  about  par,  while  Rio  Grande  stock  was  at  this 
time  practically  worthless,  here  was  a  liberal  concession. 
This  practical  arrangement  was  designed  mainly  to  protect 
the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  stockholders,  the  value  of  whose 
shares  was  bound  to  rise  through  an  alliance  with  a  company 
of  superior  financial  standing.  Hence  the  Rio  Grande  seemed 
to  have  much  to  gain  and  nothing  to  lose  by  the  combination 
thus  effected. 

On  December  3rd  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  stockholders 
in  their  annual  meeting  at  Colorado  Springs,  ratified  the 
lease  by  a  four-fifths  vote.    But  since  the  Santa  Fe  company 


The  Opening  Struggle  for  the  Grand  Canon      175 

was  required  by  the  terms  of  the  lease  to  deposit  in  advance 
a  certain  sum  in  payment  of  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  supplies 
and  fuel,  President  Palmer  was  authorized  to  give  possession 
of  the  property  only  when  he  saw  fit  to  do  so.  The  stock 
of  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  and  Pueblo  and  Arkansas 
Valley  companies  which  had  been  interchanged  was  depos- 
ited in  Boston  with  T.  J.  Coolidge  of  Boston  as  trustee. 
Within  a  few  days  all  differences  were  adjusted  and  at  mid- 
night of  December  13,  1878,  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande 
railroad  and  its  effects  passed  to  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and 
Santa  Fe  company,  by  order  of  President  Palmer.  On  the 
same  date  General  Manager  Strong  announced  that  all  oper- 
ating officials  of  the  Rio  Grande  Company  would  be  trans- 
ferred to  the  Atchison  payrolls;  and  he  instructed  D.  C. 
Dodge,  general  manager  of  the  Rio  Grande,  to  give  general 
notice  that  the  line  to  and  from  Denver  was  open  for  all 
freight  and  passenger  business,  and  that  all  competing  rates 
would  be  squarely  met. 

While  commenting  upon  the  local  railroad  situation  some 
months  earlier  the  Denver  Times  had  remarked :  "The  Atchi- 
son, Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  Company  is  a  powerful  corpo- 
ration. It  appears  to  be  possessed  of  abundant  resources  and 
its  managers  are  credited  with  a  reasonable  share  of  that 
energy  and  shrewdness  in  direction  which  frequently  achieves 
great  success."  Within  a  half  year  the  Santa  Fe  seemed 
likely  to  justify  this  confidence.  It  had  encountered  the 
Rio  Grande  on  its  own  ground,  defeated  it  in  the  Circuit 
Court  and  finally  had  astonished  everybody  by  leasing  out- 
right the  property  of  its  opponent.  This  had  given  it  access 
to  Denver,  a  traffic  center  of  much  importance.  While  the 
much-prized  Leadville  extension  project  had  been  placed  in 
temporary  abeyance,  the  Santa  Fe  might  build  here  if  it 
chose  to  construct  a  narrow  gauge  line.  And  meanwhile  with 


176  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

the  Rio  Grande  thus  out  of  the  way,  the  Santa  Fe's  larger 
work,  the  extension  south  and  westward,  from  La  Junta,  had 
been  pushed  steadily.  In  May,  1878,  contracts  aggregating 
$1,500,000  were  let  for  the  construction  of  the  first  hundred 
miles  of  the  New  Mexico  extension.  Supplementary  plans 
for  building  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  farther  to  Las 
Vegas  in  the  heart  of  New  Mexico,  were  likewise  made  ready. 

Work  started  at  La  Junta  in  June,  and  by  September 
1st,  the  line  was  finished  and  opened  for  business  81 
miles  to  Trinidad.  Sixteen  miles  south  was  Raton  Pass,  the 
summit  of  which  must  be  pierced  by  a  tunnel  to  avoid  the 
expense  and  hindrance  to  traffic  caused  by  excessive  grades. 
Work  in  this  tunnel  was  begun  promptly,  but  there  was  no 
waiting  for  tunnels  to  be  finished.  To  avoid  delay,  the  Pass 
was  surmounted  by  a  "switch-back,"  which  was  boldly  con- 
ceived by  Chief  Engineer  A.  A.  Robinson,  and  on  December 
7th,  1878,  a  locomotive  traveled  over  the  summit  and  into 
New  Mexico.  The  Santa  Fe  had  crossed  the  first  barrier  of 
the  Rockies  over  the  strategic  Raton  Pass  and  the  long  con- 
templated entrance  of  New  Mexico  had  at  last  been  made. 

Meanwhile,  at  the  beginning  of  1879,  there  were  rumblings 
of  discontent  in  Colorado.  While  the  Santa  Fe  had  won  a 
decisive  victory  and  further  troubles  seemed  to  have  been 
dispelled,  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  felt  keenly  the  humil- 
iation of  being  leased  to  its  rival.  The  Grand  Canon  war 
had  not  yet  ended. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  GRAND  CANON  WAR  CONCLUDED 

STRONG  made  prompt  use  of  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande 
line  to  combat  his  enemies.  The  two  leading  roads  into 
Denver,  the  Union  Pacific  and  the  Kansas  Pacific,  had  formed 
a  pool *  whereby  it  was  agreed  to  divide  their  transportation 
business.  Partly  in  self-defense  and  partly  to  secure  his 
share  of  the  business,  which  the  more  northerly  roads  had 
appropriated,  Strong  sharply  increased  the  rates  on  the 
newly-leased  line  from  Denver  south.  The  effect  was  to  divert 
a  large  volume  of  traffic  over  the  Santa  Fe  main  line  by  way 
of  Pueblo ;  and  since  Pueblo  was  and  is  yet  the  largest  city 
in  southern  Colorado,  she  now  began  to  receive  much  of  the 
wholesale  trade  that  Denver  had  formerly  supplied.  This 
was  natural,  for  the  people  in  southern  Colorado  found  it 
cheaper  to  secure  Eastern  goods  directly  over  the  Santa  Fe 
than  to  pay,  in  addition  to  purchase  price,  the  excessive 
freight  rates  which  Strong  had  arbitrarily  imposed  between 
Denver  and  Pueblo.  Late  in  December,  the  roads  in  the 
traffic  combination  announced  a  virtual  boycott  of  the  Santa 
Fe  interests  in  Colorado.  Thus  Strong's  rate  manipulation 
had  virtually  stopped  all  business  between  the  northern  and 

1This  was  effected  late  in  the  spring  of  1878.  The  combination  in- 
cluded the  Union  Pacific,  The  Kansas  Pacific,  the  Colorado  Central  and 
the  Omaha  Bridge  Company.  All  earnings  were  to  be  consigned  to  a 
common  fund  and  as  usual  divided  among  the  members  of  the  pool 
according  to  a  stipulated  percentage.  Commer.  §•  Finan.  Chron.,  June 
15,  1878. 

177 


178  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

the  southern  portions  of  the  state,  which  created  a  lot  of 
ill  will  against  the  Santa  Fe — particularly  in  Denver,  whose 
press  bitterly  denounced  the  Santa  Fe  for  having  given  the 
southern  counties  a  "gigantic  monopoly."  The  Denver  mer- 
chants, it  was  asserted,  were  made  the  victims  of  railroad 
avarice  and  the  city  was  being  ground  between  two  mill- 
stones. Nor  was  there  any  relief  so  long  as  railroads  were 
allowed  to  pool  their  business  and  create  such  situations. 
Even  from  the  southern  towns  which  were  little  affected  by 
the  rates,  there  rose  a  cry  of  sympathy  for  their  friends  in 
the  capital,  and  a  demand  for  rate  regulation.  Now  Strong 
had  only  fought  his  enemies  in  the  pool  with  their  own  weap- 
ons, and  his  methods  were  strictly  in  accord  with  the  common 
practice  of  that  time.  He  had  merely  transferred  some  of  the 
commercial  advantages  hitherto  enjoyed  by  the  northern  half 
to  southern  Colorado,  and  most  of  the  complaints  had  nat- 
urally come  from  the  outraged  portion  of  the  state.  Yet 
it  must  be  admitted  that  his  warring  tactics  had  in  this  case 
cost  him  and  his  Company  many  friends. 

On  December  28th,  the  Santa  Fe  had  effected  an  arrange- 
ment for  the  purchase  of  the  Denver,  South  Park  and  Pacific 
railroad,  a  small  local  line  that  had  been  projected  between 
Denver  and  Leadville,  120  miles,  and  of  which  distance  about 
two-thirds  was  already  constructed.  On  completion  this 
would  have  given  the  Atchison  Company  unexpected  access 
to  Leadville  from  the  northeast.  The  Santa  Fe  proposed  to 
secure  this  road  through  a  direct  purchase  of  the  first  mort- 
gage bonds  of  the  South  Park  Company,  which  indebtedness 
was  $700,000.  Inasmuch  as  such  an  arrangement  was  not 
strictly  in  accord  with  the  terms  of  the  Denver  and  Rio 
Grande  lease,  the  deal  was  arranged  subject  to  the  will  of  the 
Denver  and  Rio  Grande  bondholders  and  in  absolute  good 


The  Grand  Carion  War  Concluded  179 

faith.  But  it  happened  that  the  South  Park  line  had  re- 
ceived county  aid  to  the  extent  of  $300,000  and  many  ex- 
citable persons  seem  to  have  believed  that  this  money  would 
be  hopelessly  lost  if  the  road  was  sold.  As  a  matter  of  fact 
the  negotiations  fell  through  and  the  affair  was  dropped 
before  the  end  of  January,  1879,  yet  the  incident  served  to 
arouse  added  mistrust  of  the  Santa  Fe  Company,  whose 
aggressive  conduct  made  it  feared  by  many. 

With  the  approach  of  spring,  bad  feeling  between  the 
Santa  Fe  and  the  Rio  Grande  factions  began  to  crop  out. 
Regardless  of  excuses,  Palmer,  it  must  be  remembered,  had 
consented  to  the  lease,  favorable  as  its  terms  may  have  been, 
chiefly  because  his  company  was  financially  embarrassed  and 
not  equal  to  the  money  strength  of  its  opponent.  By  the 
middle  of  March,  while  the  Supreme  Court  decision  was  still 
pending,  it  was  openly  reported  that  the  Denver  and  Rio 
Grande  wished  to  break  the  lease.  The  hostile  press  ac- 
cused the  Santa  Fe  of  removing  from  the  service  all  the 
Rio  Grande  employees  that  it  could,  and  of  shipping  guns, 
ammunition,  and  supplies  to  the  Canon.  Incidentally,  both 
parties  seemed  to  have  organized  and  armed  their  forces  and 
sent  them  to  the  Canon.  The  Supreme  Court  decision  was 
expected  soon;  each  side  believed  the  Court  would  decide  in 
its  favor  and  both  companies  intended  to  be  ready  to  hold 
by  armed  strength  whatever  advantages  they  might  receive 
from  the  Court's  ruling.  On  March  18th,  the  Supreme  Court 
heard  arguments  in  the  Grand  Canon  case,  Judge  Hoar  and 
Sidney  Bartlett  appearing  for  the  Santa  Fe,  and  Judge 
Grant  and  Lyman  S.  Bass  defending  the  Rio  Grande  inter- 
ests. Meanwhile  preparations  for  the  conflict  went  on  in  the 
mountain  pass  where  armed  men  were  seizing  and  fortifying 
strategic  places.     General  Palmer  was  at  Colorado  Springs 


180  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

awaiting  developments.  On  the  2.0th  the  Rocky  Mountain 
News  2  advocated  state  interference. 

On  March  23rd  the  Santa  Fe  was  reported  to  have  200 
men  on  guard  at  various  points,  one  force  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Canon,  a  guard  at  "Fort  De  Remer,"  a  force  at  the 
Royal  Gorge,  and  another  at  "Twelve-Mile  Bridge."  The 
Santa  Fe  also  began  to  recruit  its  fighting  strength  with 
professional  "bad  men"  from  Dodge  City,3  a  number  of  whom 
were  shipped  in  by  the  company  late  in  March  and  early  in 
April.  These  men  as  well  as  those  hired  locally  for  this 
rough  and  tumble  service,  were  paid  three  dollars  a  day  and 
board.  Taking  advantage  of  his  reinforced  strength,  Mr. 
Strong  started  building  his  railroad  through  the  Canon  and 
by  March  26th  had  laid  about  three  miles  of  track. 

On  April  10th,  the  Santa  Fe  met  opposition  from  an 
unexpected  source  when  C.  W.  Wright,  the  Attorney  General 
of  Colorado,  started  quo  warranto  proceedings  against  the 
Company  on  behalf  of  the  people  of  the  state.  Wright's 
real  purpose  was  to  oust  the  corporation  from  the  state  if 
possible.  To  that  end,  warrants  were  issued  and  served  on 
two  of  the  Santa  Fe  local  officers,  requiring  them  to  appear 
before  Judge  Thomas  M.  Bowen  of  the  State  District 
Court  at  Colorado  Springs  on  April  22nd  to  answer  and 
show  by  what  authority  they  were  operating  a  railroad,  a 

2  In  its  issue  for  March  20th,  this  paper,  which  was  hostile  to  the 
Santa  Fe,  said:  "This  overgrown  and  arrogant  corporation  sets  both 
law  and  fair  dealing  at  defiance  in  the  pursuit  of  its  purposes.  The 
attitude  of  the  Santa  Fe  menaces  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  state — it  is 
a  defiance  ^of  law  and  order  and  constitutes  a  condition  of  affairs  which 
imperatively  demands  the  intervention  of  executive  authority." 

8  A.  A.  Robinson  to  the  writer. 

"Sheriff  W.  B.  Masterson  and  30  men  left  Dodge  City  Saturday  last 
(April  5)  for  Canon  City,  where  they  were  called  in  anticipation  of 
railroad  troubles,  but  we  do  not  hear  of  any."  Dodge  City  Times.  Re- 
printed in  Rocky  Mountain  News,  April  12,  1879. 


The  Grand  Canon  War  Concluded  181 

Kansas  corporation,  in  Colorado.  For  this  act,  Wright  was 
bitterly  attacked  by  the  opposition  press.  It  seems  that 
having  neglected  to  inform  the  Governor  in  advance  as  to 
his  contemplated  proceedings,  Wright  was  accused  of  bad 
faith,  of  having  sold  himself  to  start  an  ouster  suit  against 
the  Santa  Fe,  and  of  having  subordinated  a  high  public 
office  to  the  professional  practice  of  a  private  lawyer. 

During  the  early  part  of  April  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande 
officials  increased  their  efforts  to  win  back  with  bloodshed,  if 
need  be,  their  lines,  the  lease  of  which  they  now  openly  de- 
clared had  been  violated.  D.  C.  Dodge,  general  manager  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  announced  that  the  lease  had  been  broken  by 
the  Santa  Fe  almost  as  soon  as  ratified.  Palmer  meanwhile 
had  succeeded  in  raising  funds  with  which  to  build  his  road 
to  Leadville  and  the  San  Juan  mines.  These  activities  be- 
came so  threatening  as  to  cause  W.  W.  Borst,  superintendent 
of  the  Santa  Fe  lines,  in  Colorado,  to  issue  a  printed  circular 
to  all  men  in  the  employ  of  the  Santa  Fe-Rio  Grande  rail- 
roads, advising  that  he  had  been  reliably  informed  that  the 
Rio  Grande  officials  intended  to  violate  the  contract  and 
seize  their  road  by  force.  To  avoid  any  such  trouble  all  men 
in  the  service  were  instructed  to  obey  only  the  orders  given 
by  the  regular  operating  officials  of  the  Company  in  charge. 

On  or  about  April  10th,  Mr.  Strong  reached  Denver  and 
began  to  make  ready  for  the  struggle  which  he  knew  must 
come  soon,  both  in  courts  and  in  the  Grand  Caiion  of  the 
Arkansas.  Scarcely  had  Strong  appeared  when  General 
Palmer  in  a  public  interview  defiantly  asserted  that  the 
Santa  Fe  had  violated  its  agreements.  It  had  made  prohibi- 
tive rates  from  Denver,  which  Palmer  claimed  the  lease  for- 
bade. It  had  so  adjusted  local  rates  as  to  divert  business 
from  the  Rio  Grande  road;  it  had  hauled  its  own  building 
materials  and  supplies  free  over  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande 


182  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

tracks,  thus  depriving  that  company  of  much  rental,  which 
was  based  upon  gross  receipts.  The  Santa  Fe,  Palmer  fur- 
ther claimed,  had  never  carried  out  the  appraisal  of  the  D.  & 
R.  G.  fuel  and  supplies  as  provided  by  the  lease.  It  had 
even  demanded  possession  of  the  property  before  an  ap- 
praisal could  have  been  made.  To  be  sure,  it  had  paid 
$75,000  cash  and  deposited  $75,000  with  a  trustee,  but  ex- 
cept for  the  last  weeks  of  December,  the  Santa  Fe,  it  was  said, 
had  not  paid  the  Rio  Grande  for  the  use  of  its  lines.  Palmer 
admitted  that  the  rental  had  been  offered,  but  on  the  condi- 
tion that  the  lease  be  acknowledged  as  effective,  which  pro- 
posal had  been  steadily  refused.  He  believed  that  his  com- 
pany had  a  right  to  resume  possession  of  its  property.  A 
few  days  afterwards,  Palmer  was  quoted  as  saying  that  the 
Atchison  Company  had  broken  nearly  every  provision  of 
the  lease,  both  in  spirit  and  in  letter.  He  asserted  that  the 
Santa  Fe  was  $67,000  behind  in  its  payments  to  his  Company 
and  that  it  had  used  Rio  Grande  supplies  for  the  last  four 
months.  He  professed  confidence  in  Strong's  word  and 
honor,  but  declared  he  was  suspicious  of  the  "policies  ema- 
nating from  Boston."  In  short,  Palmer  openly  accused  the 
Santa  Fe  of  bad  faith  and  of  having  tried  to  injure  the  Rio 
Grande  road  by  diverting  traffic  from  it. 

To  these  general  charges  it  was  answered  that  there  was 
a  plot  to  break  the  D.  &  R.  G.  lease ;  that  a  few  nights  before, 
an  attempt  had  been  made  by  the  Rio  Grande  forces  to 
attack  the  Santa  Fe  men  at  Colorado  Springs,  Pueblo,  Al- 
amosa, and  Canon  City,  and  the  effort  had  failed  only  be- 
cause of  the  preparedness  of  the  latter  Company.  Several 
cases  of  rifles4  and  ammunition  consigned  to  the  Denver  and 

4  On  this  or  a  similar  ocasion  during  the  Grand  Cafion  troubles  a 
shipment  of  rifles  and  revolvers  arrived  one  day  at  the  express  office  at 
Canon  City  for  the  D.  &  R.  G.  men.  The  goods  were  not  removed 
immediately  and  that  night  W.  R.  Morley  of  the  Santa  Fe  engineering 


The  Or  and  Canon  War  Concluded  183 

Rio  Grande  at  Canon  City  had  been  seized  by  the  sheriff. 
The  northern  pool  it  was  claimed  had  be^n  formed  at  the 
connivance  of  the  Rio  Grande  managers  to  impel  the  Santa 
Fe  to  break  the  lease.  Strong  declared  that  since  the  first 
month  the  Rio  Grande  people  had  refused  to  give  a  proper 
receipt  for  the  rent  money  which  had  been  deposited  regu- 
larly in  a  Pueblo  bank.  Since  the  lease  was  effected,  Rio 
Grande  stock  had  risen  from  nothing  to  16  cents  on  a  dollar, 
and  the  bonds  had  doubled  in  value.  The  Rio  Grande  earn- 
ings for  March,  1879,  had  been  $20,000  more  than  for  the 
same  month  a  year  before;  yet,  in  spite  of  these  facts,  the 
D.  &  R.  G.  people  had  removed  their  books  from  the  state 
to  disconcert  the  Santa  Fe's  business  operations  and  were 
now  seeking  to  violate  a  lawful  agreement  by  arresting  Santa 
Fe  laborers  and  generally  resorting  to  mob  rule. 

On  the  21st  day  of  April,  the  long-awaited  Supreme  Court 
opinion  was  delivered.  It  reversed  the  decision  of  the  lower 
court  and  confirmed  to  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  Company 
the  prior  right  in  the  Canon.  This  right  the  court  held  had 
been  conferred  by  the  Act  of  June  8,  1872,  which  gave  the 
Rio  Grande  the  right  to  the  Canon  to  be  enjoyed  after  occu- 
pation had  been  made.  It  was  held  that  the  Company  had 
made  this  occupation  on  April  19,  1878,  that  the  lower 
court  erred  in  not  recognizing  the  prior  right  of  the  Denver 
Company  through  the  Canon,  and  that  the  court  likewise 
erred  in  enjoining  that  Company  at  the  instance  of  the 
Canon  City  Company  from  proceeding  in  the  construction 
of  its  road  through  the  defile.  In  addition  the  Court  held 
that  in  view  of  the  extension  of  time  given  by  the  Act  of 
1877  5  the  D.  &  R.  G.  must  be  regarded  as  having  accepted 

staff  entered  the  office  and  removed  all  the  firing  pins  from  the  weapons, 
leaving  them  useless.    Chief  Engineer  A.  A.  Robinson  to  the  writer. 

B  It  will  be  recalled  that  in  1872  the  D.  &  R.  G.  Co.  had  been  granted 
a  200   foot  right   of  way  through  public  lands  together  with   ample 


184  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

such  an  extension  subject  to  the  provisions  of  the  Act  of 
March  3rd,  1875,  which  gave  a  right-of-way  to  any  railroad 
company  through  any  canon,  pass,  or  defile,  in  common  with 
the  road  first  located.  Although  the  prior  right  of  the  Den- 
ver Company  was  recognized,  the  Court  held  that  as  to  those 
portions  of  the  Grand  Canon  which  are  too  narrow  to  admit 
of  the  construction  and. operation  of  more  than  one  roadbed 
and  track,  the  right  of  the  Canon  City  Company  to  sell  such 
roadbed  and  track  in  common  with  the  Rio  Grande  should 
be  secured  by  proper  orders  and  upon  such  terms  as  might 
be  equitable,  having  regard  to  the  cost  of  construction  and 
maintenance  of  the  track  in  good  order.  The  opinion  was 
handed  down  by  Justice  Harlan,  Chief  Justice  Waite  dis- 
senting. 

It  was  therefore  decided  that  henceforth  no  one  railroad 
company  could  monopolize  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others  the 
narrow  mountain  passes  in  our  public  domain.  In  a  few 
words  then,  the  decision  meant  that  the  Rio  Grande  people 
were  to  have  prior  right  in  the  Canon;  that  the  injunction 
of  the  lower  Federal  Court  against  the  D.  &  R.  G.  Company 
could  no  longer  hold;  that  the  Canon  should  be  occupied 
jointly  by  both  roads  under  court  regulations;  and  that  the 
lower  court  had  erred  in  its  procedure.  This  was  a  big  vic- 
tory for  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande,  but  there  was  still 
plenty  of  trouble  ahead,  for  the  lease  was  yet  binding. 

On  the  23rd,  a  suit  in  equity  was  brought  in  the 
Massachusetts  Supreme  Court  to  set  aside  the  lease 
of  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  to  the  Atchison,  Topeka 
and  Santa  Fe.  The  plaintiffs  were  the  Rio  Grande  Corn- 
ground  for  station,  buildings,  yards,  etc.,  on  condition  that  its  line  be 
constructed  to  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  within  five  years.  This  not  having 
been  accomplished  at  the  end  of  that  period,  a  new  law  was  enacted  by 
Congress  in  1877,  giving  the  Rio  Grande  Co.  ten  years  longer  in  which  to 
build  the  road  to  Santa  Fe  and  secure  the  needed  right-of-way. 


The  Grand  Cation  War  Concluded  185 

pany  and  its  President,  Wm.  J.  Palmer ;  the  defendants  were 
the  Santa  Fe  Company,  S.  B.  Schlesinger,  Alden  Speare,  and 
T.  Jefferson  Coolidge  of  Boston.  The  bill  alleged  that  on 
October  29th  last,  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  executed  a 
lease  of  its  road  to  the  Santa  Fe,  but  that  this  lease  was 
not  delivered,  and  had  never  taken  effect  as  a  valid  lease; 
it  had  simply  been  placed  in  the  hands  of  Schlesinger  as  an 
escrow  under  a  written  agreement  bearing  the  same  date.  It 
was  further  held  that  on  the  same  date  an  agreement  had 
been  made  between  President  Palmer  and  Alden  Speare,  which 
was  likewise  placed  in  escrow  to  be  held  and  delivered  by 
Schlesinger  upon  the  same  terms  and  conditions  of  the  lease. 
The  plaintiffs  held  that  the  defendants  had  violated  the 
terms  of  the  lease  and  the  agreements;  they  asked  that 
Schlesinger  be  restrained  from  delivering  them,  and  sought 
to  have  them  rescinded  and  canceled.  These  allegations 
were  denied  by  the  Santa  Fe  Company. 

In  Colorado  the  situation  grew  more  and  more  threaten- 
ing. Although  the  Rio  Grande  had  been  granted  the  right 
of  way,  the  Santa  Fe  men  would  not  give  up  the  north  side — 
the  desirable  side — of  the  Canon  where  they  had  started 
building,  until  paid  for  the  cost  of  the  construction  already 
finished.  This  problem  was  taken  to  Judge  Hallett  of  the 
Circuit  Court,  who  once  more  demanded  peace  while  he 
investigated  the  facts  of  the  new  case.  Besides  having 
armed  men  who  were  ready  if  need  be  to  fight,  each  road  had 
its  partisan  friends  who  were  prompt  to  start  a  newspaper 
row,  the  inevitable  accompaniment  of  factional  troubles. 
An  excitable  correspondent  writing  from  Walsenburg  to  the 
Rocky  Mountain  News  on  April  11th  said  in  part: 

We  have  had  enough  of  the  Sante  Fe  monopoly.  We  are  at 
present  ground  down  by  the  most  grasping,  blood-sucking  Cor- 
poration Southern  Colorado  has  ever  known.     From  the  time  the 


186  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Santa  Fe  assumed  the  management  of  the  D.  &  R.  G.  matters 
have  grown  gradually  worse  until  to-day  we  stand  helpless, 
looking  to  see  where  and  how  it  will  end.  If  in  favor  of  the 
broad-gauge,  then  good-by  to  Southern  Colorado.  We  can  ex- 
pect nothing  better  than  being  compelled  to  resort  to  the  old 
way  of  wagon  transportation.  The  feeling  of  the  people  is 
unanimously  in  favor  of  the  D.  &  R.  G.  Co.  Where  three 
months  ago  the  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  had  many  friends  among  the 
merchants,  to-day  they  have  none.  They  all  say,  "Give  us  back 
the  little  road — then  we  can  live."  The  people  have  been  a 
little  credulous  about  believing  the  stories  in  regard  to  the 
armed  forces  the  Santa  Fe  Co.  were  said  to  have,  but  that  is 
past;  we  have  been  treated  to  a  sight  of  them.  The  train  west- 
bound on  Monday  had  on  board  about  forty  of  the  dirtiest  look- 
ing armed  men  that  we  have  seen  in  many  a  day.  They  were  a 
part  of  the  force  from  El  Moro  going  toward  Alamosa.  They 
say  they  captured  El  Moro  and  had  things  their  own  way, 
and  that  they  will  serve  any  other  place  where  they  are  sent,  in 
the  same  manner.  The  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  Co.  seem  to  have  taken 
Colorado.  What  are  the  authorities  doing?  Our  merchants  all 
through  this  county  are  suffering  from  the  excessive  tariffs 
charged  by  the  present  management.  These  high  rates  of  course 
fall  finally  on  the  stock  men  and  ranch  men.  They  are  just  now 
being  felt  by  the  farmer.  The  wool-growers  on  making  inquiry 
what  price  they  may  expect  for  their  wool  are  told  that  the 
railroad  company  will  control  the  price  of  wool  this  year.   .    .    . 

Writing  from  Pueblo  on  the  18th,  another  correspondent, 
who  was  familiar  with  Patrick  Henry's  eloquence,  says : 

The  railroad  excitement  still  rages,  and  the  very  next  breeze 
that  is  wafted  to  us  from  the  Grand  Canon  may  bring  to  our  ears 
the  clash  of  resounding  arms.  True,  the  only  thing  that  has 
been  shed  very  freely,  thus  far,  is  printer's  ink,  but  there  is  no 
telling  how  soon  blood  may  follow,  and  hence  everybody's  male 
and  female  relations  are  busy  in  speculating  and  cogitating  over 
the  probable  outcome.  There  is  blood  on  the  moon.  .  .  .  The 
paid  agents  of  the  "banana  line"6  gather  on  the  street  corners 
and  talk  low  and  breathe  hard  and  look  unutterable  things.  .  .  . 

•Colloquial  nickname  then  given  to  the  Santa  Fe. 


The  Grand  Canon  War  Concluded  187 

Railroad  monopoly  is  a  curse  at  the  best,  but  when  it  strangles 
the  commerce  of  a  country,  and  from  its  luxurious  offices  in 
Boston  boldly  and  deliberately  sets  about  the  task  of  corrupting 
the  judiciary  and  the  court;  when  it  bleeds  our  merchants  and 
shippers  of  the  last  cent  and  seeks  to  absorb  the  pioneer  railroad 
of  the  state  by  subterfuge  and  trickery,  the  outcome  becomes 
too  heavy  to  be  borne  without  resentment.  The  people  of  Pueblo 
and  Southern  Colorado  pinned  their  faith  to  the  A.  T.  &  S.  F., 
and  in  the  language  of  the  immortal  Milton  they  "got  left."  .  . . 
Bands  of  armed  men  in  the  employ  of  the  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  patrol 
the  depot  grounds  and  every  man  who  is  caught  in  that  locality 
near  the  witching  hours  of  midnight  is  compelled  to  throw  up 
his  hands  and  show  cause  why  he  should  not  be  riddled  with 
bullets  in  the  name  and  through  the  grace  of  the  Boston  shad- 
bellied  corporation. 

A  Denver  newspaper  reporter,  who  was  an  eye-witness, 
wrote  from  Canon  City  on  May  12th: 

I  arrived  in  Pueblo  from  Denver  yesterday  and  found  the 
eating  station  surrounded  on  three  sides  with  a  motley  crowd  of 
men.  Some  of  them  bore  the  appearance  of  rough  usage.  Some 
were  drunk^and  sleeping  off  their  intoxication  in  out-of-the-way 
corners  on  the  platform,  while  the  majority  were  staggering 
about  heavily  laden  with  blankets  and  traps,  swearing,  yelling, 
and  making  themselves  felt  as  forceful  masters  of  the  situation. 
They  had  been  paid  off  immediately  upon  the  announcement  of 
Judge  Hallett's  order  directing  both  parties  to  withdraw  from 
the  disputed  ground  in  the  Grand  Canon  of  the  Arkansas,  and 
had  spent  the  fright  in  boisterous  carousal.  The  people  in 
Pueblo  were  in  great  alarm,  and  it  is  fair  to  presume  that  few 
households  near  the  center  of  the  town  slept  through  the  night. 
Gangs  of  men  who  paraded  the  streets  occupied  the  saloons, 
gambled,  guzzled  and  made  the  metropolis  literally  a  howling 
wilderness.  Though  out  little  damage  was  done,  various  articles 
of  movable  property  were  carried  off,  chicken  roosts  seriously 
decimated,  clothes  lines  robbed,  and  the  police  kept  busier  look- 
ing after  the  peace  of  the  town  than  at  any  former  time  since 
its  organization. 

At  three  o'clock  Saturday  afternoon  the  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  train 


188  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

for  the  east  pulled  out  laden  with  a  large  force  of  laborers, 
brought  to  the  Canon  for  use  in  the  conflict  there  from  different 
points  along  its  line.  Two  Rio  Grande  trains,  one  headed  for 
the  north,  the  other  south,  were  crowded  with  laboring  men, 
who  shrieked,  yelled  and  hooted  at  the  broad  gauge  as  they  left, 
and  continued  the  salute  till  they  were  out  of  sight.  Shortly 
afterward,  the  D.  &  R.  G.  processions  moved  to  their  respective 
destinations  leaving  Pueblo  pretty  thoroughly  emptied  of  its 
late  unwelcome  visitors.  Nearly  three  carloads  of  the  worst 
elements  of  this  dreaded  crew  were  unloaded  at  Denver  Satur- 
day night.  I  tried  to  get  a  press  dispatch  to  you  warning  the 
public  of  their  coming,  but  the  office  at  the  depot  was  packed 
to  suffocation,  and  it  was  impossible  to  reach  the  operators  until 
too  late  for  your  afternoon  edition. 

Proceeding  to  Canon  City  the  same  afternoon,  I  had  oppor- 
tunity for  measuring  the  state  of  public  sentiment  there.  Every 
resident  of  the  place  was  outspokenly  partial  to  the  cause  of  the 
A.  T.  &  S.  F.  Co.,  and  during  the  stormy  scenes  enacted  in  the 
Canon  threw  all  the  sympathy  and  influence  they  had  against 
the  Rio  Grande.  Inquiring  into  the  causes  I  discovered  they 
were  based  upon  a  grievance  and  a  hope.  The  complaints  of 
injustice  at  the  hands  of  the  Rio  Grande  in  multifarious  ways 
were  widespread  and  very  bitter.  That  Company  is  charged 
with  all  the  offenses  in  the  ^lendar  and  credited  with  no  virtues 
or  benefits  conferred.  Hence  when  the  road  came  to  peril  not 
a  hand  was  raised  to  save  or  shiela  it.  On  the  contrary,  the 
hope  consisted  in  the  advantage  to  be  derived  by  a  directly  com- 
petitive broad-gauge  line.  Col.  Strong7  and  his  agents  had 
filled  the  public  mind  with  glittering  promises  of  what  should  be 
done  when  this  great  work  was  completed.  It  was  understood 
and  made  abundantly  manifest  by  deeds  that  the  A.  T.  &  S.  F. 
had  plenty  of  money  and  could  promptly  execute  any  contract 
that  might  be  undertaken,  while  it  seemed  to  be  the  generally 
accepted  belief  that  the  Rio  Grande  had  no  means,  did  not  in- 
tend to  build  through  the  Canon  to  Leadville,  but  were  making 
the  contest  simply  to  hold  exclusive  possession  of  the  ground 
until  such  time  as  they  could  get  the  means  to  grade  and  iron 

1  Strong  was  frequently  dubbed  "Colonel"  during  the  Colorado  troubles. 


The  Grand  Canon  War  Concluded  189 

the  line  up  the  Arkansas.  .  .  .  Both  the  Rio  Grande  and  the 
A.  T.  &  S.  F.  Cos.  have  groups  of  graders  in  the  Canon  above 
the  point  in  dispute,  both  making  for  Leadville  with  all  possible 
speed.  I  heard  last  evening  there  had  been  a  slight  but  blood- 
less collision  between  the  opposing  forces  during  the  day. 

Canon  City  has  been  under  great  excitement  for  two  weeks  past 
and  has  been  filled  with  rowdies,  gamblers  and  wild  rioting.  .  .  . 
Coming  to  Pueblo  this  morning  it  was  my  ill-fortune  to  be  in  a 
car  full  of  sharks,  gamblers,  and  thieves  who  had  been  preying 
upon  the  railroad  hands,  beating  them  out  of  every  dollar  they 
could  get.  These  were  landed  in  Pueblo  so  that  the  town  is  not 
yet  rid  of  its  evils.  .  .  . 

May  15th,  the  United  States  Circuit  Court  at  Denver 
gave  the  Atchison  Company  leave  to  file  a  supplemental  bill 
and  litigate  the  question  as  to  whether  the  Rio  Grande  Com- 
pany by  lease  and  other  agreements  had  admitted  the 
Atchison  Company  to  continue  construction  upon  the  located 
line  of  the  former.  The  Court  also  decided  that  in  any 
consideration  of  the  case,  the  roadbed  of  a  rival  company 
could  only  be  appropriated  on  paying  for  the  cost  of  con- 
struction after  it  had  been  justly  determined.  The  question 
of  the  lease  must  first  be  decided. 

While  Judge  Hallett  was  dealing  with  these  problems, 
the  case  was  suddenly  complicated  by  the  interference  of 
the  State  Courts.  Having  obtained  the  writ  of  quo  war- 
ranto seeking  to  compel  the  Santa  Fe  to  show  why  as  a 
foreign  corporation  it  presumed  to  operate  railway  lines  in 
the  state,  Attorney  General  Wright  now  formally  entered 
suit  to  enjoin  the  Santa  Fe  from  operating  railroads  in 
Colorado.  The  case  was  heard  before  Judge  Thgmas  M. 
Bowen  of  the  State  District  Court  first  in  the  town  of  San 
Luis,  Costilla  County,  and  afterwards  at  Alamosa,  where 
Mr.  Willard  Teller,  attorney  for  the  Santa  Fe,  applied  for 
a  change  of  venue.  Teller  alleged  that  Bowen  was  prejudiced 


190  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

against  his  Company  and  that  the  Santa  Fe  could  hope  for 
no  justice  in  Bowen's  court.  These  allegations  were  accom- 
panied by  a  sharp  arraignment  of  the  Judge,  who  returned 
a  vigorous  reply  and  denied  the  motion.  These  proceedings 
took  place  during  the  latter  part  of  May. 

Early  in  June  it  was  again  reported  that  armed  railroad 
employees  were  entering  the  Canon  once  more.  On  the  4th, 
the  Times  openly  attacked  the  State's  Attorney,  C.  W. 
Wright,  for  having  dragged  the  State  into  the  controversy. 
The  private  law  firm  of  Butler,  Wright  and  King,  of  which 
the  Attorney  General  was  a  member,  were  attorneys  for  the 
Denver  &  Rio  Grande  Company,  and  the  Times  accused  Mr. 
Wright  of  having  degraded  a  public  office  for  private  gain. 
Had  C.  W.  Wright  been  independent  in  his  professional 
relations,  the  Times  declared,  he  would  first  have  consulted 
the  Governor  and  not  involved  the  State  in  so  much  trouble. 
At  about  the  same  time,  the  Denver  Tribune  demanded  that 
the  Attorney  General  be  impeached  for  his  conduct  in  the 
railroad  case.  And  these  attacks  led  the  News  8  to  accuse 
both  the  Tribune  and  Times  of  being  in  the  pay  of  the  Santa 
Fe  Company. 

On  June  9th  the  wildest  rumors  of  war  were  circulated. 
It  was  reported  that  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  had  organ- 
ized its  fighting  strength,  driven  the  Atchison  employees  from 
their  positions  at  Colorado  Springs  and  the  Canon  City  coal 
mines,  and  that  an  attack  was  about  to  be  made  on  South 

8  June  6,  1879.  In  its  issue  for  June  4th,  the  News  declared  editorially 
that  it  was  indifferent  to  either  of  the  great  combinations  that  were 
trying  to  divide  the  State  yet  it  sympathized  with  the  D.  &  R.  G. 
because  it  was  the  weaker  line.  "Our  support,"  it  said,  "is  not  to  be 
purchased  with  money  or  the  promise  of  political  influence."  The  News 
professed  to  be  in  great  fear  of  railroad  monopoly,  which  it  declared 
was  "The  serpent  that  is  coiling*  its  fatal  folds  around  the  young  and 
vigorous  industries  of  the  State." 


The  Grand  Canon  War  Concluded  191 

Pueblo.  To  offset  these  aggressions  it  was  rumored  that 
the  Santa  Fe  on  that  same  date  had  sent  three  extra  trains 
from  the  south  and  east  to  Pueblo  carrying  Paddy  Welsh 
and  45  deputies  from  Trinidad,  Charles  Hickey,  Sheriff  of 
Bent  County,  Colorado,  with  18  men,  and  Sheriff  Bat  Mas- 
terson  of  Dodge  City  with  65  men.  Aroused  by  so  much 
excitement,  Governor  Pitkin  gave  instructions  to  the  sher- 
iffs of  the  various  counties  where  trouble  was  threatening, 
to  summon  the  militia  if  unable  to  preserve  peace  with  local 
contingents.  These  reports  soon  proved  rank  exaggera- 
tions, as  little  real  violence  had  yet  occurred. 

On  the  10th  of  June,  Judge  Bowen  of  the  State  District 
Court  issued  an  injunction  forbidding  the  Santa  Fe  and  all 
its  officers  and  employees  from  operating  the  Denver  and  Rio 
Grande  railroad  lines  wholly  or  in  part  and  from  exercising 
any  corporate  rights  and  privileges.  This  meant  the  restor- 
ation of  the  property  to  its  original  managers.  On  or  about 
the  same  date,  Palmer  published  an  open  circular  which 
aimed  to  justify  the  hostile  action  his  Company  was  taking 
against  the  lessees.  It  was  alleged  that  the  Santa  Fe  had 
injured  the  Rio  Grande  Company  indirectly  by  helping  the 
Denver  South  Park  &  Pacific  Company  build  a  line  to  Lead- 
ville ;  that  the  terms  of  the  lease  had  been  violated ;  that  the 
Denver  &  Rio  Grande  property  had  been  neglected;  that 
rental  payments  had  not  been  made  promptly,  and  that 
other  acts  of  injustice  had  been  committed.  Palmer  and 
his  men,  including  ex-Governor  A.  C.  Hunt,  now  made  ready 
to  take  over  their  road  by  force,  and  this  conduct  merely 
complicated  matters  between  the  State  and  Federal  Courts. 

Bowen's  writs  of  injunction,  which  were  served  on  June 
11th,  ordered  the  sheriffs  in  the  various  counties  traversed  by 
the  D.  &  R.  G.  lines  to  take  possession  of  the  property.  The 
sheriffs  in  turn  served  writs  upon  the  officers  and  agents  who 


192  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

were  operating  the  road.  In  Denver  a  Rio  Grande  force 
broke  open  the  doors  of  the  Company  offices  and  placed  their 
own  men  in  charge.  The  round-houses  were  occupied  in  a 
similar  manner.  A  train  load  of  D.  &  R.  G.  men  then  started 
south  to  assist  their  friends  in  the  seizure  of  the  line.  Re- 
ports of  much  violence  reached  the  Governor  by  wire.  At 
Pueblo,  an  armed  force  was  driven  from  the  train  dis- 
patcher's office  by  the  sheriff  and  a  posse  only  after  a  shoot- 
ing fray  in  which  no  one  was  injured.  That  same  evening, 
Hunt  and  his  crowd  of  200  men  reached  Pueblo  from  the 
southern  part  of  the  state.  They  had  seized  all  the  small 
stations  and  carried  off  the  agents  as  prisoners  on  a  stolen 
train.  It  was  said  that  two  Santa  Fe  employees  were  killed 
and  two  wounded,  for  resisting.  Thus  in  a  single  day  Pal- 
mer's forces  with  Judge  Bowen's  writs  as  a  pretext  recovered 
possession  of  their  road  in  a  whirlwind  attack.  The  Santa 
Fe  men  as  a  rule  made  little  or  no  resistance.  It  seems  they 
had  received  instructions  to  await  the  action  of  the  law. 

While  this  seizure  was  being  effected,  Attorney  Willard 
Teller,  appearing  before  Judge  Hallett,  moved  to  quash 
Bowen's  injunctions  and  sought  to  have  the  matter  brought 
into  Federal  Court  for  consideration.  The  next  day,  on 
June  12th,  Hallett  granted  this  application  transferring  the 
case  to  the  United  States  Court  and  declared  Bowen's  writs 
were  virtually  null  and  void.  Hallett  contended  that  any 
action  which  denied  the  right  of  the  Santa  Fe  or  any  out- 
side corporation  to  conduct  business  in  Colorado  could  not 
be  sustained  so  long  as  such  corporations  complied  with  the 
laws.  The  state  might  prevent  a  foreign  corporation  from 
conducting  business  within  its  boundaries,  but  if  such  a  cor- 
poration entered  the  state  and  acquired  movable  property 
therein,  the  state  had  no  right  to  confiscate  such  property 
whether  it  be  a  horse  or  a  railroad.     This  looked  encour- 


The  Grand  Canon  War  Concluded  193 

aging  for  the  Santa  Fe ;  but  two  days  later,  on  June  14th, 
Judge  Bowen  sprang  a  new  surprise  by  placing  the  Denver 
&  Rio  Grande  Company  in  the  hands  of  a  receiver,  Mr.  H. 
A.  Risley  of  Colorado  Springs,  one  of  the  Rio  Grande  law- 
yers, being  granted  charge  of  the  railroad.  The  contest 
now  became  a  battle  of  legal  wits. 

The  suit  was  opened  in  the  Federal  Circuit  Court  at  Den- 
ver on  June  17th,  with  Judge  Hallett  on  the  bench,  assisted 
by  Justice  Miller  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court,  who 
sat  in  an  advisory  capacity.  Both  Companies  were  ready 
with  the  pick  of  their  lawyers:  Messrs.  Reed,  Teller,  Beck- 
with  and  Pratt  for  the  Santa  Fe ;  and  Wells,  Smith,  Macon, 
Bass,  Butler  and  Attorney  General  Wright  for  the  Rio 
Grande.  In  the  exchange  of  affidavits  the  latter  claimed 
that  the  Atchison  Company  had  worn  out  the  rails  of  the 
D.  &  R.  G.  and  stripped  the  road  of  its  rolling  stock.  The 
Santa  Fe  claimed  that  on  the  whole  they  had  peaceably 
surrendered  their  opponent's  lines ;  that  Judge  Bowen's  con- 
duct had  been  illegal ;  and  that  at  some  points  they  had  been 
forcibly  ousted  before  the  writ  of  possession  had  been  read. 
It  was  charged  that  when  on  June  9th  the  Santa  Fe  attor- 
neys had  filed  application  and  bond  with  Judge  Bowen  to 
have  the  case  transferred  from  the  State  to  the  Federal 
Court,  Bowen  had  returned  the  papers  with  his  written  re- 
fusal. Anticipating  this  hostility,  the  Santa  Fe  attorneys 
filed  with  the  clerk  of  the  court  a  duplicate  of  the  petition 
and  bond,  when  by  an  alleged  subterfuge  Bowen  cut  short 
the  proceedings,  adjourned  his  court  and  sat  in  chambers, 
claiming  he  could  not  act  upon  a  matter  of  removing  a  case 
while  not  sitting  formally  in  court.  It  was  further  claimed 
that  copies  of  Bowen's  writs  of  injunction  were  printed  and 
scattered  on  June  10th  along  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande 
lines  before  the  arguments  were  concluded  and  while  the  case 


194  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

was  still  pending,  whereas  they  were  not  officially  served 
until  the  morning  of  the  11th.  This  went  to  show,  the  Santa 
Fe  lawyers  contended,  that  the  State  Court  had  rendered 
judgment  against  their  client  before  the  hearing  of  the  case 
was  concluded. 

During  these  proceedings  Denver  suffered  from  a  freight 
blockade.  Having  seized  its  line,  the  Denver  &  Rio  Grande 
Company  had  of  course  made  no  traffic  arrangements  with 
the  Santa  Fe,  which  controlled  the  eastern  outlet  via  Pueblo. 
Consequently  no  through  freights  came  in  by  the  southern 
route,  the  Santa  Fe  shipments  naturally  stopping  at  Pueblo. 
Only  consignments  from  local  D.  &  R.  G.  points  were  reach- 
ing the  capital  from  the  south,  which  situation  was  harmful 
to  the  business  9  of  Denver  and  northern  Colorado. 

On  June  23rd,  Judge  Hallett,  Justice  Miller  concurring, 
rendered  a  decision.  The  Court  held  that  the  Denver  &  Rio 
Grande  property  had  been  wrongfully  taken  and  that  within 
three  days  after  June  25th  it  must  be  turned  over  to  the 
lessee,  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  Company.  Lest 
further  resistance  might  be  made,  Justice  Miller  declared 
that  the  order  must  be  promptly  obeyed  and  that  any  vio- 
lence would  be  sharply  discountenanced.  The  Rio  Grande 
attorneys  then  moved  for  an  immediate  execution  of  the 
Supreme  Court  mandate  with  reference  to  the  Grand  Canon, 
claiming  that  the  Supreme  Court  decision  applied  to  the 
whole  twenty  miles  in  dispute  from  the  mouth  of  the  Canon 
westward.  To  this  Miller  responded  that  the  prior  right 
conceded  by  the  highest  court  to  the  Rio  Grande  applied 
only  to  that  portion  of  the  Canon  which  was  too  narrow 
for  both  roads — the  Royal  Gorge.     Since  the  Santa  Fe  had 

•  Times,  June  18  and  June  25.  One  firm  even  had  a  shipment  of  goods 
returned  from  Pueblo  to  Topeka  and  re-shipped  to  Denver  over  the 
Kansas  Pacific. 


The  Grand  Canon  War  Concluded  195 

already  built  through  the  Gorge  under  authority  of  the 
Federal  Circuit  Court  and  refused  to  give  over  its  property 
without  compensation,  Miller  held  that  the  Supreme  Court 
mandate  could  not  be  executed  until  the  cost  of  the  Santa 
Fe  construction  could  be  determined.  As  to  restoring  the 
property,  the  Rio  Grande  people  asked  for  a  stay  of  pro- 
ceedings until  the  receivership  question  could  be  settled,  and 
this  the  Court  granted. 

On  July  2nd,  Justice  Miller  decided  that  the  State 
Court  had  acted  within  its  authority  and  that  Mr.  Risley 
was  a  legally  appointed  receiver.  This  decision  seems  to 
have  been  based  upon  the  fact  that  Judge  Bowen  had  acted 
in  response  to  a  suit  for  foreclosure  of  the  Denver  &  Rio 
Grande  mortgage  and  for  a  receiver,  which  suit  had  been 
brought  by  L.  H.  Meyer  of  New  York,  who  represented 
a  number  of  the  company's  bondholders.  The  Santa  Fe 
attorneys  then  moved  that  the  receiver  be  discharged,  but 
they  were  overruled.  Baffled  for  the  time,  they  next  moved 
for  an  injunction  to  restrain  the  Denver  &  Rio  Grande  forces 
from  blocking  construction  above  the  twenty-mile  limit  in  the 
direction  of  Leadville.  Since  both  the  Circuit  and  Supreme 
Courts  had  ruled  only  on  the  first  twenty  miles  of  the  Canon, 
the  decision  of  the  latter  evidently  pertaining  only  to  the 
Gorge,  Strong  and  Robinson  had  pushed  operations,  build- 
ing the  line  through  the  first  twenty  miles  of  the  Canon  and 
crossing  the  Arkansas  by  means  of  a  hanging  bridge,10  a 
bold  and  original  idea  of  Robinson's  At  the  twenty-mile 
limit  the  Santa  Fe  laborers  were  stopped  by  Engineer  De 
Remer  and  an  armed  force  of  Rio  Grande  men  who  had 
established  themselves  in  a  stone  fort.     On  being  asked  by 

10  A  duplicate  of  this  bridge,  suitably  enlarged  for  modern  traffic 
conditions,  may  still  be  seen  by  those  who  travel  through  the  Royal 
Gorge. 


196  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

what  authority  he  was  acting,  De  Remer  is  said  to  have 
answered,  "By  the  decision  of  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court  and  these.fifty  men  back  of  me."  At  Pueblo  the  Santa 
Fe  employees  were  savagely  attacked  by  Rio  Grande  mobs. 
Engineers  and  firemen  were  dragged  from  their  cabs  and 
beaten;  written  threats  with  coffins,  skulls  and  cross-bones, 
and  warnings  to  leave  the  country  were  sent  to  station 
agents  and  train  men,  and  there  was  frequent  bloodshed. 
The  Santa  Fe  appears  to  have  made  no  organized  defense, 
preferring  to  fight  its  battles  in  the  Federal  Courts.  These 
events  happened  during  the  last  days  of  June  and  early  in 
July.  The  case  was  now  continued  before  Judge  Hallett  and 
Justice  Miller  at  Denver. 

On  July  8th  Chief  Engineer  Robinson  of  the  Santa  Fe 
presented  an  affidavit  that  he  had  completed  and  had  ready 
for  operation  23  miles  of  railroad,  extending  from  Canon 
City  through  the  twenty-mile  zone  in  litigation ;  that  he  had 
been  stopped  by  armed  men  in  a  stone  fort;  and  that  his 
company  had  the  materials  ready  to  build  60  miles  farther 
to  the  South  Arkansas  if  not  restrained  by  fortifications. 
Mr.  Robinson  also  stated  that  the  Rio  Grande  people  were 
not  working  consistently;  that  they  were  grading  only  here 
and  there.  The  Santa  Fe  stood  ready  to  build  at  once  to 
Leadville  if  the  court  permitted.  Little  could  be  done,  how- 
ever, so  long  as  their  opponents  blocked  the  way  with  150 
or  200  men  with  shot-guns,  rifles,  pistols  and  bayonets. 

In  reply,  the  Rio  Grande  lawyers  declared  the  arming  of 
their  forces  had  been  necessitated  for  protection  against 
their  enemies.  And  they  admitted  that  their  engineers  had 
not  located  a  line  beyond  the  20th  mile  post  until  July  26th, 
1878 — a  virtual  concession  that  the  Santa  Fe  had  preceded 
them  in  the  upper  Canon. 

After  reviewing  a  mass  of  conflicting  testimony,  Justice 


The  Grand  Canon  War  Concluded  197 

Miller  announced  that  the  Court  was  now  convinced  that 
Meyer's  application  for  a  receiver  was  a  proceeding  in  col- 
lusion with  the  Rio  Grande  Company  and  a  virtual  subter- 
fuge to  prevent  Judge  Hallett's  order  of  restriction  from 
being  carried  out.  The  Court  now  saw  no  good  reason  for 
this  receivership;  there  had  been  no  general  demand  for  it 
on  the  part  of  the  bondholders,  and  the  road  was  not  shown 
to  be  insolvent.  Accordingly,  on  July  14th,  the  Court 
ordered  that  receiver  Risley  be  discharged  and  that  he  re- 
store the  property  within  two  days.  The  order  was  promptly 
obeyed,  the  road  being  first  transferred  to  the  Denver  and 
Rio  Grande  and  then  to  the  Santa  Fe  Company — which 
brought  the  case  back  to  its  starting  point.  Likewise  the 
Court  held  that  the  Supreme  Court  decision  gave  the  Rio 
Grande  people  the  prior  right  all  the  way  from  Canon  City 
to  Leadville.  But  they  must  take  over  the  constructed  line 
and  pay  all  legitimate  costs  of  construction,  which  costs 
would  be  determined  by  a  board  of  three  expert  engineers, 
one  to  be  appointed  by  each  Company  and  one  by  the  Court. 
Neither  party  must  work  in  the  Canon  until  the  Commis- 
sioners had  therefore  adjusted  matters.  On  the  15th  the 
Rio  Grande  moved  to  vacate  the  Court  order  of  June  25th, 
but  Miller  refused  the  motion,  declaring  that  Company  in 
contempt  of  court.  He  declared  the  D.  &  R.  G.  people  had 
taken  forcible  possession  of  their  property,  which  abuses  no 
judge  or  court  could  tolerate. 

On  July  16th,  Mr.  Risley  turned  the  D.  &  R.  G.  property 
back  to  the  Company.  On  the  same  day  Judge  Usher  of 
the  Rio  Grande  counselors  filed  a  motion  for  an  order  to 
restrain  the  Santa  Fe  from  operating  the  railroad;  and  he 
moved  that  a  receiver  be  appointed  to  take  over  and  con- 
duct the  leased  lines  until  his  Company  could  prepare  its 
arguments  for  the  cancellation  of  the  lease.     The  road  was 


198  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

handed  over  to  the  Santa  Fe  on  the  21st.  There  was  some 
violence,  together  with  a  few  assaults  upon  Santa  Fe  train- 
men, but  no  serious  outbreaks. 

July  24th  Judge  Hallett  granted  a  receiver  in  response  to 
Usher's  motion  and  appointed  Lewis  C.  Ellsworth  of  Denver 
to  the  position.  The  latter  was  instructed  to  give  a  bond  for 
$200,000  and  retain  W.  W.  Borst  of  the  Santa  Fe  as  gen- 
eral superintendent.  On  the  15th  of  August,  Mr.  Ellsworth 
took  over  the  property  as  an  independent  receiver  and  began 
to  operate  the  railroad  to  the  apparent  satisfaction  of  all. 
Quiet  was  at  last  restored  in  vexed  Colorado  and  it  only 
remained  for  dignified  negotiations  to  end  the  prolonged 
troubles.  Ellsworth  was  to  present  to  the  Clerk  of  the  Court, 
within  thirty  days,  a  full  inventory  of  the  property  in  his 
possession;  he  was  to  carry  out  in  good  faith  the  lawful 
contracts  of  both  companies,  operate  the  road,  and  file  full 
statements  of  revenues  and  expenditures  with  the  Clerk  of 
the  Court. 

In  September  it  was  reported  from  Pueblo  that  Chief 
Engineer  A.  A.  Robinson  had  been  ordered  to  locate  a  Santa 
Fe  line  from  Pueblo  to  Denver.  This  report  was  followed 
about  the  15th  by  a  rumor — perhaps  a  strange  coincidence 
— that  Jay  Gould,  who  now  controlled  the  Kansas  Pacific, 
had  purchased  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  railroad  and 
that  he  would  quickly  compromise  all  difficulties,  buy  the 
Santa  Fe  grade  in  the  Canon  and  expand  the  D.  &  R.  G. 
lines  in  all  directions.  A  few  days  later,  President  Palmer 
issued  a  circular  advising  his  stockholders  to  accept  a  propo- 
sition recently  made  by  Messrs.  Gould  and  Sage,  whereby 
these  gentlemen  1J  offered  to  buy  the  shares  of  every  holder 
of  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  stock  at  $22.00  per  share,  pay- 

11  While  Sage  appears  to  have  been  silently  associated  with  Gould  in 
the  deal,  the  latter,  it  seems,  was  the  aggressive  party  who  instigated 
and  conducted  the  negotiations. 


The  Grand  Canon  War  Concluded  199 

able  at  the  option  of  the  purchasers  in  cash  or  in  Kansas 
Pacific  stock  or  mortgage  bonds.  This  offer  was  generally 
accepted  and  on  September  29th  the  Gould  interests  came 
into  possession  of  half  of  the  Denver  &  Rio  Grande  stock, 
which  was  accepted  unconditionally.  Both  the  Gould  and 
Palmer  interests  were  to  have  equal  representation  in  the 
Rio  Grande  directorate.  Until  the  Santa  Fe  lawsuits  were 
concluded,  the  new  syndicate  was  to  spend  $5,000,000  of 
funds  already  subscribed  in  extending  the  main  line  south- 
ward from  Alamosa  through  New  Mexico.  Early  in  October 
it  was  reported  that  negotiations  had  been  opened  between 
Mr.  Gould  and  Messrs.  Strong  and  Nickerson  of  the  Santa 
Fe. 

In  order  to  ascertain  for  final  settlement  the  expense  and 
amount  of  the  work  which  the  Atchison  company  had  ac- 
tually performed  in  the  Canon,  the  Rio  Grande  had  selected 
George  E.  Gray  of  California;  the  Santa  Fe  had  chosen 
Sooey  Smith  of  Chicago ;  while  Judge  Hallett's  choice  was 
A.  N.  Rogers  of  Colorado.  Specifically,  it  will  be  remem- 
bered that  this  Board  of  Commissioners  had  been  appointed 
by  the  Court  to  make  a  careful  examination  and  report 
whether  in  their  judgment  there  was  room  for  two  railroads 
throughout  the  Canon,  together  with  their  estimate  of  the 
value  of  whatever  railroad  had  been  constructed  between 
Canon  City  and  Leadville.  Their  report  was  completed  and 
filed  October  20.  They  held,  as  was  widely  known,  that  it 
was  impracticable  to  build  two  roads  through  the  Royal 
Gorge.  Their  estimates  were  filed  with  the  Court,  which 
resumed  the  case  November  20th ;  but,  on  account  of  illness, 
Judge  Hallett  was  forced  to  adjourn  after  a  short  session 
until  late  in  December.  The  seemingly  endless  question  of 
canceling  the  Denver  &  Rio  Grande  lease  had  still  to  be 
determined. 

On  the  2nd  of  January,  1880,  the  Circuit  Court  for  Colo- 


200  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

rado  decided  that  the  Denver  &  Rio  Grande  should  have  and 
continue  to  hold  the  prior  right  of  way  for  locating  and 
constructing  a  railway  from  the  entrance  of  the  Canon  to 
the  mouth  of  the  South  Arkansas  River.  It  could  take  the 
railroad  already  constructed  by  the  Atchison,  Topeka  & 
Santa  Fe  in  the  Canon  by  paying  whatever  amount  the  com- 
missioners might  determine.  If  such  payment  were  made, 
all  injunctions  and  restraining  orders  hitherto  in  effect 
should  be  dissolved,  while  the  Pueblo  &  Arkansas  Valley 
Company  was  permanently  enjoined  not  to  interfere.  From 
the  South  Arkansas  to  the  town  of  Leadville,  the  Atchison 
Company,  or  its  subsidiary,  the  Pueblo  &  Arkansas  Valley, 
was  granted  the  prior  right  because  of  having  first  located 
a  line  between  these  points.  Andrew  N.  Rogers  of  Colorado 
was  appointed  by  the  Court  as  a  Commissioner  to  determine 
where  the  road  already  or  partly  built  might  be  connected 
with  another  line,  and  to  compute  as  soon  as  possible  the 
cost  of  all  work  that  had  been  performed.  The  three-mile 
stretch  between  Canon  City  and  the  entrance  to  the  Canon 
was  held  not  to  be  in  controversy  in  these  suits.  The  Den- 
ver &  Rio  Grande  could  accept  or  reject  the  Commissioner's 
report  within  ten  days  after  it  was  filed.  If  it  chose  to 
accept,  it  must  deposit  within  sixty  days  in  the  Chemical 
National  Bank  of  New  York  City  the  amount  stipulated  by 
Mr.  Rogers,  whereupon  it  would  be  given  full  possession. 
The  opinion  was  rendered  by  Judge  McCrary,  who  sat  for 
Judge  Hallett.  The  Rio  Grande  offered  to  give  bonds  for 
any  amount  in  order  to  get  possession  of  the  line,  which  they 
desired  to  extend  to  Leadville  without  delay.  But  McCrary 
declared  that  nothing  could  be  done  until  Rogers  gave  his 
report,  and  so  matters  remained  for  several  weeks. 

Impatient  of  further  delay,  Denver  &  Rio  Grande  attor- 
neys appeared  before  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  on 


The  Grand  Canon  War  Concluded  801 

January  5th,  and  succeeded  in  getting  an  early  day  ap- 
pointed for  hearing  an  application  for  a  writ  of  mandamus, 
which  application  had  already  been  made.  This  writ,  if 
granted  by  the  higher  court,  would  compel  Judge  Hallett 
to  execute  the  original  Supreme  Court  decree  of  April,  1879, 
without  requiring  the  D.  &  R.  G.  people  to  make  payment  of 
any  kind  for  the  work  done  by  the  Santa  Fp,  and  without 
any  conditions  whatever.  It  was  pleaded  that  the  Circuit 
Court  had  not  placed  the  Denver  &  Rio  Grande  Company 
in  possession  of  its  prior  right  of  way  as  ordered;  but  on 
February  2nd  the  Supreme  Court 12  sustained  Hallett's  in- 
terpretation of  their  decision  and  denied  the  petition.  Here 
was  a  Santa  Fe  victory,  but  while  the  highest  court  in  the 
land  deliberated,  a  small  group  of  financiers  met  and  by 
mutual  concessions  compromised  the  difficulties  and  brought 
peace  to  the  warring  companies. 

Reference  has  been  made  to  the  rumor,  the  preceding  Sep- 
tember, that  the  Santa  Fe  planned  to  build  a  line  from 
Pueblo  to  Denver,  thus  coming  into  direct  competition  with 
the  Kansas  Pacific.  This  rumor  was  soon  followed  by  the 
official  announcement  that  the  Gould  interests,  which  then 
controlled  the  Kansas  Pacific,  had  bought  half  the  stock  of 
the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  and  secured  equal  representation 
with  the  Palmer  interests  in  the  Rio  Grande  directorate. 
January  15th,  1880,  word  came  from  New  York  that  a 
company  had  been  organized  to  build  a  new  east  and  west 
railroad,  the  Pueblo  &  St.  Louis.  The  road  would  go  from 
Pueblo  down  the  Arkansas  Valley  340  miles  to  Great  Bend, 
Kansas,  running  parallel  with  the  Santa  Fe  for  the  entire 
distance.    At  Great  Bend,  lines  would  be  sent  out  to  connect 

n  Weekly  Times  Feb.  4,  1880.  The  denial  was  on  the  ground  that  the 
lower  court  was  at  liberty  to  exercise  its  judicial  discretion  and  that  in 
such  a  case  the  remedy  for  errors  lay  in  appeal  and  not  by  a  mandamus. 


202  The  Story  of  Santa  Fe 

with  the  Kansas  Pacific  at  Salina  and  the  Missouri  Pacific 
at  Wichita.  The  new  road,  it  was  announced,  was  to  get 
coal  and  timber  from  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  to  ship  hay, 
grain  and  provisions  to  the  mines  in  Colorado.  It  would 
furnish  the  Denver  &  Rio  Grande  a  water  grade  outlet  from 
the  mountains  eastward  and  in  connection  with  the  Gould 
system  would  form  a  new  short  line  from  Colorado  to  St. 
Louis.  Capitalized  at  $3,000,000,  the  Pueblo  &  St.  Louis 
was  to  build  wholly  by  stock  subscriptions,  which  funds  were 
said  to  be  already  provided.  But  these  plans  were  soon 
halted. 

On  the  2nd  of  February,  1880,  the  same  day  of  the  final 
Supreme  Court  decision,  news  was  sent  from  New  York  that 
the  decision  was  of  no  importance,  for  a  settlement  had  been 
made  out  of  court.  By  terms  of  this  settlement  it  was  agreed 
first,  that  all  litigation  cease.  The  Santa  Fe  relinquished 
the  lease  and  the  receiver  was  to  be  discharged.  The  shares 
of  the  Denver  &  Rio  Grande  and  the  Pueblo  and  Arkansas 
Valley  Companies  were  to  be  reexchanged.  The  Rio  Grande 
road  was  restored  to  its  owners  and  that  Company  was  to 
have  the  line  through  the  Grand  Canon  to  Leadville  on  pay- 
ment to  the  Santa  Fe  of  $1,400,000  and  interest,  for  the 
work  and  material  which  the  Santa  Fe  had  already  expended 
in  the  Canon,  together  with  a  bonus  of  $400,000.  It  had 
actually  built  about  20  miles  of  railroad  through  the  defile 
and  had  graded  some  distance  beyond.  The  Pueblo  &  St. 
Louis  railroad  project  was  to  be  dropped  and  the  Rio 
Grande  Company  agreed  to  discontinue  its  extension  into 
north  central  New  Mexico  at  a  point  about  50  miles  from 
Santa  Fe.  In  return  for  these  concessions,  the  Atchison 
Company  was  not  to  build  to  Leadville  or  Denver  nor  to 
any  place  on  or  west  of  the  Rio  Grande  main  line  except  a 
33  mile  spur  from  Pueblo  to  the  Canon  coal  fields;  the  coa? 


The  Grand  Canon  War  Concluded  £03 

thus  reached  should  be  shipped  over  the  Santa  Fe  lines 
only  for  railroad  use  and  for  sale  in  the  Arkansas  Valley. 
It  was  further  stipulated  that  all  eastern  traffic  originating, 
at  Leadville  and  in  D.  &  R.  G.  territory  in  southern  Colorado 
should  be  delivered,  one  half  to  the  Kansas  Pacific  and  one 
half  to  the  Santa  Fe;  while  one-fourth  of  all  shipments 
between  Denver  and  points  east  should  go  over  the  Santa  Fe 
lines  via  Pueblo.  These  terms  of  agreement  having  been  con- 
cluded, all  suits  were  withdrawn  and  peace  was  declared. 
Thus  by  a  "gentlemen's  agreement"  the  Grand  Canon  war 
was  ended;  a  struggle  that  rent  a  state  into  factions  and  a 
struggle  without  precedent  in  which  two  corporations  con- 
tended both  with  armed  forces  in  the  State  and  local  Federal 
Courts  and  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  for 
a  mountain  pass. 

Though  technically  defeated,  Strong  had  gained  the  sub- 
stantial fruits  of  victory.  While  courts  quibbled  as  to  the 
right  of  possession  he  had  boldly  built  a  railroad  through  the 
disputed  portion  of  the  Pass,  which  construction  greatly 
strengthened  his  Company  in  making  terms  of  settlement  and 
for  which  his  opponents  had  to  pay  a  handsome  price.  For 
the  Santa  Fe  the  real  victory  had  lain  in  the  winning  of 
Raton  Pass.  As  will  be  shown  in  the  succeeding  chapter, 
Strong's  campaign  in  Colorado,  which  for  nearly  two  years 
absorbed  the  energies  of  the  rival  Denver  &  Rio  Grande  and 
brought  satisfactory  terms  from  Jay  Gould,  was  in  effect, 
only  a  strategic  rear  guard  action  which  masked  the  more 
important  operations  at  the  front.  For  with  its  rivals  thus 
involved  the  Santa  Fe  was  in  the  meantime  building  steadily 
across  New  Mexico  and  by  securing  an  outlet  on  the  Pacific 
coast  was  soon  to  become  a  great  railroad. 


CHAPTER  IX 

AN   OUTLET   TO   THE   PACIFIC 

Yesterday  morning  the  last  coach  went  out  of  Las  Vegas  for 
Santa  Fe.  The  officers  were  removed  to  Canoncito  from  whence 
the  stage  will  hereafter  run  to  Santa  Fe  until  the  railroad  is 
built  to  that  point.  We  are  sorry  to  see  them  go.  The  stage 
men  and  employees  looked  like  they  were  leaving  their  earthly 
treasures. 

This  stage  line  was  a  great  and  ancient  institution.  It  came 
in  after  General  Kearny's  army  in  1846.  ...  At  first  it  was 
a  mail  every  six  months  brought  through  under  guard.  The 
service  was  soon  increased  to  a  monthly  and  finally  to  a  daily, 
and  previous  to  the  construction  of  railroads  across  the  plains 
these  were  halcyon  days.  Gradually  the  iron  horse  has  been 
driven  down  the  Santa  Fe  trail,  and  at  each  extension  shortened 
up  the  stage  line. 

Now  it  is  reduced  to  a  short  15-mile  run,  to  disappear  for- 
ever in  another  week.  It  will  be  an  institution  of  the  past,  but 
will  always  be  remembered  by  the  old  inhabitants  of  New 
Mexico. 

THE  above  news  item  which  marked  the  abandonment 
of  the  Santa  Fe  trail,   appeared  in  the  Las   Vegas 
Gazette  about  January  20th,  1880. 

Descending  the  south  slope  of  Raton  Mountain  early  in 
January,  1879,  the  Santa  Fe  railroad  had  been  driven  stead- 
ily into  New  Mexico.  The  work  was  conducted  under  the 
charter  of  the  New  Mexico  &  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  Com- 
pany. On  the  4th  of  July,  Las  Vegas  was  reached,  114  miles 
from  the  Colorado  boundary.    July  14th  a  tunnel  2,011  feet 

204 


An  Outlet  to  the  Pacific  805 

in  length  was  completed  through  the  summit  of  Raton 
Mountain,  which  had  been  crossed  with  difficulty  by  means 
of  a  switch-back  since  the  7th  of  the  previous  December. 
September  7th  the  tunnel  was  opened  for  regular  traffic  and 
with  the  steep  grades  thus  greatly  reduced,  the  Rocky 
Mountains  had  ceased  to  be  a  serious  hindrance.  At  the 
same  time,  important  building  operations,  to  be  detailed 
later,  were  going  on  in  Kansas. 

Old  Santa  Fe,  853  miles  from  the  Missouri  river,  was  at 
last  reached  by  means  of  an  eighteen-mile  spur  from  Lamy, 
on  February  9th,  1880.  Because  of  the  mountainous  coun- 
try it  was  found  wholly  unwise  to  build  the  main  line  to  the 
New  Mexican  capital,  so  long  the  goal  of  the  railroad  that 
was  destined  to  bear  its  name.  Pushing  rapidly  down  the 
valley  of  the  Rio  Grande,  the  road  was  built  into  Albuquer- 
que— 250  miles  from  the  Colorado  line — on  April  15th. 
From  this  important  place,  lines  were  soon  to  radiate,  both 
to  California  and  Old  Mexico.  In  his  annual  report  for 
1879,  President  Nickerson  was  able  to  say:  "The  current 
year  has  been  one  of  great  activity  and  more  than  usual 
progress. "  Since  the  last  report  of  the  Board,  three  branch 
lines  had  been  constructed  in  Kansas  adding  191  miles  to 
the  lines  in  that  state.  In  New  Mexico  to  the  present  date 
268  miles  had  been  built,  adding  about  459  miles  to  the 
lines  operated  and  controlled  by  the  Atchison  Company. 
Trains  were  running  into  the  City  of  Santa  Fe,  and 
to  Albuquerque  on  the  Rio  Grande.  The  railroad  property 
had  been  materially  improved ;  and  the  Company  was  now  in 
a  better  condition  as  to  equipment  and  outfit  than  ever 
before,  and  well  prepared  to  handle  its  increasing  business. 

Whereas  the  mileage  had  been  only  786  at  the  close  of 
1877,  at  the  end  of  1879  it  was  about  1168  miles;  and  by 
the  first  of  May,  1880,  the  Company  operated  1318  miles, 


£06  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

with  a  road  extending  from  the  Missouri  river  to  the  Rocky 
Mountains  and  the  Rio  Grande.  Gross  earnings  had  risen 
from  $2,679,106  in  1877  to  $6,381,442  in  1879.  The  first 
dividend  on  capital  stock  had  been  paid  in  August  of  the 
latter  year,  with  good  prospects  for  regular  dividends  there- 
after. And  this  substantial  progress  which  had  made  the 
year  1879  "one  of  notable  events  in  the  history  of  the  cor- 
poration" had  been  made  contemporaneously  with  the  Grand 
Canon  war,  which  was  discomfiting  the  Santa  Fe's  rivals  in 
Colorado. 

In  addition  to  the  development  just  noted,  President  Nick- 
erson  referred  to  "several  very  important  negotiations" 
which  had  been  carried  to  successful  completion  that  year. 
By  means  of  these  negotiations  the  company  had  formally 
taken  over  the  control  of  the  Pueblo  &  Arkansas  Valley  and 
the  New  Mexico  &  Southern  Pacific  railroads,  companies 
of  the  Santa  Fe's  creation,  but  which  for  strategic  reasons 
had  at  first  been  operated  as  separate  units. 

There  was  to  be  no  delay.  Building  down  the  valley  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  the  road  was  pushed  to  San  Marcial,  103  miles 
south  of  Albuquerque,  on  October  1st.  This  gave  the  com- 
pany a  main  line  of  353  miles  in  New  Mexico.  Interesting 
developments  fraught  with  great  importance  were  now  to 
be  revealed.  Late  in  October  it  was  announced  that  General 
Manager  Strong  while  in  the  East  had  arranged  with  Messrs. 
Huntington,  Crocker,  Towne  and  Stubbs  of  the  Southern 
Pacific  whereby  the  Santa  Fe  should  be  given  the  privileges 
of  connecting  its  extension  with  the  Southern  Pacific  in 
southwest  New  Mexico.  Money  was  no  longer  lacking,  for 
the  splendid  increase  of  earnings,  the  successful  handling  of 
the  company's  lands  and  the  sound  management  of  the  Santa 
Fe  Company  had  now  secured  for  it  abundant  credit.  In 
1880  about  $5,000,000  in  bonds  for  construction  work  in 


An  Outlet  to  the  Pacific  207 

New  Mexico  and  for  the  purchase  of  branch  lines  in  Kansas 
were  floated  with  ease.  In  February  of  that  year  a  compe- 
tent financial  authority  had  declared  the  New  Mexico  division 
of  the  Santa  Fe  one  of  the  richest  investments  ever  offered  to 
the  stockholders  of  the  parent  company.  The  extension  had 
been  built  economically  and  within  three  years  from  the 
date  of  its  beginning  a  profit  of  one  hundred  sixty-four  per 
cent,  on  their  money  had  accrued  to  the  investors. 

The  road  was  built  on  from  San  Marcial  under  a  new 
charter,  the  Rio  Grande,  Mexico  &  Pacific  Railroad  com- 
pany. At  Rincon,  76  miles  below  San  Marcial,  the  line  di- 
vided, one  branch  going  128  miles  southwest  to  Deming 
where,  on  March  8th,  1881,  connection  was  established  with 
the  Southern  Pacific  railroad.  By  this  combination  a  new 
route  to  California  had  been  secured  and  from  the  inter- 
change of  through  business  with  a  rival,  the  Santa  Fe  hoped 
to  profit  much.  Building  78  miles  southeast  from  Rincon, 
the  line  on  June  11th  reached  El  Paso,  Texas,  where  direct 
access  to  the  City  of  Mexico  was  soon  to  be  obtained  over 
the  rails  of  the  Mexican  Central,  which  road  was  likewise 
under  construction  during  this  period.  All  these  extensions 
in  Colorado  and  New  Mexico  were  under  the  immediate 
supervision  of  Albert  A.  Robinson,  chief  engineer,  one  of  the 
greatest  railroad  builders  this  country  has  produced  and 
who  in  the  course  of  his  career  constructed  over  4,000  miles 
of  the  Santa  Fe  lines.  A  main  stem  of  about  1160  miles  from 
the  Missouri  River  to  the  Mexican  border  had  been  secured, 
together  with  numerous  branches  in  Kansas.  The  Santa  Fe 
had  at  last  crossed  New  Mexico  and  in  connection  with  the 
Southern  Pacific  had  effected  a  long  desired  through  route  to 
Southern  California.  A  great  deal  had  been  accomplished, 
but  if  the  Santa  Fe  were  not  to  continue  dependent  upon  the 
good-will  of  a  strong  rival  company  for  an  outlet  to  Cali- 


208  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

fornia,  there  still  remained  the  huge  task  of  driving  a  rail- 
road several  hundred  miles  across  desert  wastes.  If  the 
Santa  Fe  were  to  become  a  great  railroad  it  must  provide  it- 
self with  an  independent  line  to  salt  water ;  it  must  span  the 
entire  distance  from  the  Missouri  river  to  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
And  its  far-seeing  management  had  already  taken  definite 
action  to  accomplish  that  task;  to  secure  what  was  to  be 
an  all-important  portion  of  a  future  transcontinental  main 
line. 

In  his  report  for  1879,  President  Nickerson  had  stated: 

Another  negotiation  which  required  nearly  six  months  to  com- 
plete, secures  to  your  Company  an  interest  in  the  valuable  fran- 
chise of  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  which  gives 
your  road  right  of  way  across  Arizona  and  California  to  the 
Pacific  Coast. 

Your  Company,  jointly  with  the  St.  Louis  and  San  Francisco 
Railway  Company,  will  build  a  new  road  from  Albuquerque 
along  the  thirty-fifth  parallel,  which  in  due  time  will  form  part 
of  a  transcontinental  line.  The  money  for  building  six-hundred 
miles  of  this  new  road  is  being  subscribed  and  the  work  is  now 
being  pushed  with  all  possible  energy.  The  completion  of  this 
line  must  be  of  great  value  to  your  property. 

Incorporated  by  an  Act  of  Congress  approved  July  27th, 
1866,  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Railroad  company  had  been 
authorized  to  locate,  construct  and  equip  a  continuous  rail- 
road and  telegraph  line,  namely:  "Beginning  at  or  near  the 
town  of  Springfield,  in  the  State  of  Missouri,  thence  to  the 
western  boundary  line  of  said  State,  and  thence  by  the  most 
eligible  railroad  route  as  shall  be  determined  by  said  Com- 
pany, to  a  point  on  the  Canadian  river,  thence  to  the  town 
of  Albuquerque,  on  the  River  Del  Norte,  and  thence,  by  way 
of  the  Agua  Frio,  or  other  suitable  pass,  to  the  head-waters 
of  the  Colorado  Chiquito,  and  thence  along  the  thirty-fifth 


An  Outlet  to  the  Pacific  209 

parallel  of  latitude  as  near  as  may  be  found  most  suitable  for 
a  railway  route,  to  the  Colorado  River,  at  such  point  as 
may  be  selected  by  said  company  for  crossing ;  thence  by  the 
most  practicable  and  eligible  route  to  the  Pacific."  The 
Company  was  also  empowered  to  construct  a  branch  "from 
the  point  at  which  the  road  strikes  the  Canadian  River  east- 
wardly,  along  the  most  suitable  route  as  selected,  to  a  point 
in  the  western  boundary  line  of  Arkansas,  at  or  near  the  town 
of  Van  Buren."  One  of  the  numerous  Pacific  railroads  char- 
tered by  Congress  during  the  Sixties,  this  project  was  long 
designated  as  the  "35th  parallel  route."  From  Albuquer- 
que to  the  Colorado  river  it  is  now  the  main  line  of  the 
Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe,  while  from  the  Canadian 
River  in  Oklahoma  to  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  and  Van  Buren, 
Arkansas,  the  old  Atlantic  and  Pacific  lines  as  originally  laid 
out  are  at  present  the  approximate  respective  routes  of  the 
St.  Louis  and  San  Francisco,  and  the  Memphis  division  of 
the  Chicago,  Rock  Island  &  Pacific  railroads. 

The  authorized  capital  stock  of  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific 
company  was  $100,000,000,  to  consist  of  one  million  shares 
of  $100  each.  A  right-of-way  two  hundred  feet  in  width  was 
granted  through  all  public  lands,  together  with  sufficient 
ground  for  station-buildings,  switching-yards  and  shops; 
and  this  right-of-way  was  to  be  exempt  from  taxation  in  all 
Territories  through  which  the  road  passed.  To  encourage 
and  facilitate  the  construction  of  the  railroad  and  its 
branches,  the  company  was  granted  every  odd  section  of 
public  land  to  the  extent  of  twenty  alternate  sections  per 
mile  on  each  side  of  the  line  as  built  through  the  Territories, 
and  ten  alternate  sections  per  mile  on  either  side  through 
any  state.  The  usual  provision  was  made  for  awarding  the 
company  with  indemnity  or  lien  lands  in  case  any  portions  of 
the  grant  had  been  taken  up  before  the  road  was  constructed. 


210  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

All  "mineral"  lands,  those  containing  iron  and  coal  excepted, 
were  excluded  from  the  operation  of  the  act.  No  money 
should  be  taken  from  the  treasury  of  the  United  States  to 
aid  in  the  construction  of  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  railroad. 

Besides  the  customary  technical  provisions  as  to  organ- 
izations details,  methods  of  construction,  provisions  for 
homesteads,  etc.,  it  was  stipulated  that  the  Company  should 
begin  work  on  the  railroad  within  two  years  after  the  act 
had  been  approved  by  the  President.  At  least  fifty  miles  per 
year  should  be  completed  annually  after  the  second  year; 
and  the  entire  main  line  should  be  finished  and  in  full  oper- 
ation by  July  4th,  1878.  If  any  of  these  conditions  were 
broken,  the  Federal  government  reserved  to  itself  the  right 
of  completing  the  road. 

As  to  financing,  it  was  provided  that  all  the  people  of  the 
United  States  should  have  the  right  to  subscribe  to  the  stock 
of  the  Company  until  the  whole  authorized  capital  was  taken 
up.  Ten  per  cent,  of  these  subscriptions  were  to  be  paid  in 
cash  and  unless  the  Company  obtained  within  two  years  after 
the  passage  of  the  Act  bona  fide  stock  subscriptions  of  one 
million  dollars  with  ten  per  cent,  of  this  amount  in  cash,  the 
charter  became  null  and  void. 

And  finally,  a  significant  clause  provided,  "That  the 
Southern  Pacific  Railroad,  a  company  incorporated  under 
the  laws  of  the  State  of  California,  is  hereby  authorized  to 
connect  with  the  said  Atlantic  and  Pacific  railroad  formed 
under  this  act,  at  such  point,  near  the  boundary  line  of  the 
State  of  California,  as  they  shall  deem  most  suitable  for  a 
railroad  line  to  San  Francisco,  and  shall  have  a  uniform 
gauge  and  rate  of  freight  or  fare  with  said  road."  The 
Southern  Pacific  was  to  be  awarded  similar  land  grants  sub- 
ject to  the  same  regulations  as  to  the  manner  and  time  of 
construction  if  it  carried  out  this  undertaking. 


An  Outlet  to  the  Pacific  211 

While  elaborately  organized  and  granted  more  than  40,- 
000,000  acres  of  land  subject  to  the  conditions  thus  enu- 
merated, it  will  at  once  be  recognized  that  the  Atlantic  & 
Pacific  line  was  projected  for  much  of  the  way  through  the 
desert  wastes  of  Arizona  and  Western  New  Mexico ;  instead 
of  following,  it  ran  directly  across  the  fertile  valleys  of 
the  Rio  Grande  and  Pecos  Rivers,  which  contain  the  choic- 
est lands  of  New  Mexico.  The  route  crossed  the  staked 
plains  of  Northern  Texas  and  extended  the  entire  length  of 
the  Indian  Territory,  all  of  which  regions  then  offered  small 
inducement 1  to  capitalists.  Only  in  Missouri  and  Arkansas 
were  the  lands  likely  to  draw  early  attention ;  and  since,  as 
has  been  mentioned,  the  finances  of  the  country,  due  to  the 
Civil  War,  were  still  disarranged,  the  company  accomplished 
nothing  for  several  years. 

October  25th,  1870,  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  was  consoli- 
dated with  the  South  Pacific2  Railroad  Company,  which  op- 
erated a  line  from  Pacific  City  near  St.  Louis  across  south- 
west Missouri.  The  latter  had  been  organized  under  the 
provisions  of  an  act  of  the  Missouri  Assembly,  approved 
March  17th,  1868;  and,  under  an  Act  of  Congress  passed 
June  10th,  1852,  it  had  received  a  grant  of  1,161,205  acres 
which  had  been  promptly  withdrawn  from  sale  to  aid  in  the 
construction  of  that  road.  At  or  about  the  time  the  merger 
was  effected  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  had  secured  title  to  500,- 
000  acres  of  its  own  lands — 480,000  in  Missouri  and  20,000 
in  Arkansas.  In  taking  over  the  South  Pacific  it  assumed 
a  mortgage  of  $7,250,000  covering  the  entire  road  of  the 
latter ;  and  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  was  to  devote  the  proceeds 

1Down  to  June  30,  1914,  only  4,365,970  acres,  a  little  over  one-tenth 
of  the  original  Atlantic  &  Pacific  grant,  had  been  patented  for  exploita- 
tion.   Letter  U.  S.  Land  Office,  to  the  writer. 

2  Not  to  be  confused  with  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  Company. 


212  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

from  the  sale  of  these  lands  to  the  extinction  of  the  mortgage. 

By  June,  1871,  this  consolidation,  now  the  Atlantic  & 
Pacific  railroad,  had  completed  its  line  from  Pacific  City, 
37  miles  west  of  St.  Louis,  across  Missouri  and  had  started 
building  through  Indian  Territory.  Train  service  had  been 
established  from  St.  Louis  to  Seneca  on  the  state  line,  a  dis- 
tance of  330  miles,  connection  with  the  metropolis  having,  it 
seems,  been  secured  over  the  rails  of  another  line.  To  further 
its  growth,  the  Company  had  issued  two  mortgages  amount- 
ing to  $10,250,000.  Land  sales  were  averaging  about  $45,- 
000  per  month.  Encouraged  by  this  progress  and  anxious 
to  secure  a  direct  outlet  to  the  Pacific  Coast,  a  delegation  of 
Missouri  citizens  went  to  San  Francisco — arriving  April 
26th,  1872 — to  devise  ways  and  means  for  building  a  rail- 
road between  the  two  cities. 

The  visitors  consulted  with  the  San  Francisco  Committee 
of  One  Hundred,  a  well-known  commercial  club  of  that  city. 
Some  of  the  Californians  favored  uniting  with  the  Atlantic  & 
Pacific  Company  for  the  purpose  of  building  a  through  line ; 
some  favored  building  an  independent  road  southeast  from 
San  Francisco,  to  connect  with  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific;  and 
others  desired  to  purchase  the  Southern  Pacific,  then  building 
through  California,  and  use  it  as  the  beginning  of  a  trans- 
continental railroad.  The  negotiations  seemed  to  progress 
favorably.  On  May  6th  at  a  public  conference  the  com- 
mittee of  One  Hundred  resolved  to  ally  with  the  Atlantic  & 
Pacific  and  to  take  $15,000,000  of  the  stock  in  that  com- 
pany, which  arrangement  also  would  give  San  Francisco 
several  members  of  the  directorate.  Before  coming  to  a  final 
conclusion,  however,  the  San  Francisco  men  decided  to  send 
a  commission  of  three  members  back  to  St.  Louis  with  the 
returning  delegation  to  investigate  more  closely  the  affairs 
of  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  Company.     A  contract  was  made 


An  Outlet  to  the  Pacific  21S 

between  the  two  groups  whereby  the  San  Francisco  people 
were  given  six  months  in  which  to  give  their  final  acceptance 
or  rejection  of  the  general  plan. 

But  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  project  was  finally  discarded  by 
the  Calif  ornians.  The  Company  land  grant  did  not  prove 
entirely  satisfactory  to  some ;  and  the  Committee  of  One 
Hundred  soon  became  so  badly  divided  that  the  fufillment  of 
any  definite  plan  seemed  futile.  The  Texas  and  Pacific  rail- 
road company  just  incorporated  had  planned  to  build  a  line 
from  the  eastern  boundary  of  Texas  to  the  Bay  of  San 
Diego  and  President  Thomas  A.  Scott  of  the  new  company 
was  already  in  California  looking  after  terminal  facilities  at 
San  Diego.  Apparently  thinking  this  railroad  more  likely 
of  realization,  about  one-third  of  the  Committee  of  One 
Hundred  threw  their  support  to  the  Texas  &  Pacific;  while 
a  majority  favored  building  a  road  that  should  be  controlled 
entirely  by  California  capitalists. 

So  in  July  the  San  Francisco  and  Colorado  River  Railway 
Company  was  organized  with  an  authorized  capital  stock  of 
$50,000,000.  Subscriptions  to  the  amount  of  $3,900,000 
were  obtained  and  several  millions  more  were  promised.  San 
Francisco  was  further  asked  to  contribute  a  subsidy  of  $10,- 
000,000 ;  and  besides  this  amount  the  southern  counties  were 
to  be  solicited  for  additional  contributions.  It  was  decided 
in  San  Francisco  to  vote  upon  the  $10,000,000  subsidy  at 
the  coming  November  election.  But  in  the  meantime  it  was 
learned  that  the  $10,000,000  if  voted  would  merely  go  to 
purchase  the  Southern  Pacific,  which  had  been  constructed 
largely  with  subsidies,  and  so  the  people  declined  to  buy  a 
railroad  which  their  own  money  had  already  helped  to  build. 
Thus  the  whole  proposition  fell  through.  The  Atlantic  & 
Pacific  scheme  had  been  side-tracked  because  of  the  diverse 
plans  of  the  San  Francisco  Committee  of  One  Hundred  which 


214  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

diversion  it  is  said  3  had  been  encouraged  by  the  machinations 
of  an  opposing  railroad  company.  It  remained  for  the  At- 
chison, Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  to  give  Southern  California 
its  first  direct  transcontinental  route;  and  it  was  to  be  the 
Santa  Fe's  task  first  to  assist  in  building,  and  finally  to 
rehabilitate  and  make  effective  use  of  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific 
railroad. 

During  these  California  negotiations  the  Atlantic  &  Pa- 
cific railroad  leased  the  Pacific  Railroad  of  Missouri.  This 
road,  now  called  the  Missouri  Pacific,  extended  across  the 
state  from  St.  Louis  to  Kansas  City  with  several  extensions. 
Its  main  line  and  branches  had  a  total  of  580  miles,  which 
gave  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  system  an  aggregate  of  844 
miles  of  lines  mostly  in  Missouri.  At  the  time  this  lease  was 
made  the  finances  of  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  were  reported  to 
be  in  a  doubtful  condition,  but  the  Company  arranged  to 
purchase  $1,000,000  worth  of  new  rolling  stock  to  take 
care  of  its  growing  business;  and  while  the  panic  of  1873 
stopped  virtually  all  building  progress,  much  was  done  to 
improve  the  general  standard  of  the  property.  But  it  took 
large  outlays  to  make  these  improvements  and  by  the  close 
of  June,  1875,  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  is  said  to  have  expended 
over  $300,000  in  making  surveys.  The  outcome  of  the  sit- 
uation was  serious  financial  trouble  that  wrecked  the  com- 
bination. On  July  14th,  1875,  the  Missouri  Pacific  defaulted 
the  interest  on  $700,000  of  its  bonds,  which  had  been  issued 
in  February,  1865,  went  into  involuntary  bankruptcy  and 

•Bancroft  says  that  the  Central  Pacific  Management  by  getting  these 
substitute  railroad  projects  before  the  people  of  California  were  indirect- 
ly the  means  of  defeating  the  original  plan.  A  transcontinental  route 
financed  by  the  people  of  San  Francisco  and  St.  Louis  would  of  course 
have  been  contrary  to  the  interests  of  the  Central  Pacific  Company, 
whose  line  ran  East  from  San  Francisco  and  connected  with  the  Union 
Pacific  near  Salt  Lake. 


An  Outlet  to  the  Pacific  215 

was  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  receiver.  At  about  the  same 
time  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  defaulted  the  interest  on  its  own 
bonds.  It  claimed  that  it  had  been  operating  the  Missouri 
Pacific  at  a  heavy  loss  due  to  the  large  sums  needed  for  devel- 
oping the  property,  and  now  proposed  issuing,  as  a  matter 
of  expediency,  a  new  Missouri  Pacific  3rd  mortgage  of 
$1,854,000.  St.  Louis  County  then  brought  action  in  the 
United  States  Circuit  Court  to  foreclose  a  second  mortgage 
on  the  property  of  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  in  which  it  seems 
the  county  had  invested  money  and  on  the  3rd  of  April,  1876, 
the  Court  ordered  the  Missouri  Pacific  and  the  Atlantic  & 
Pacific  railroads  separated  and  appointed  receivers  for  each 
property.  This  was  done,  and  freed  from  the  merger,  the 
Missouri  Pacific  now  drops  out  of  the  narrative.4  So  far  the 
efforts  of  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  Company  to  develop  a  big 
railroad  system  had  been  a  dismal  failure.  Since  Congress 
had  not  made  arrangements  for  organizing  and  colonizing 
the  Indian  Territory,  it  had  seemed  unwise  to  extend  the  line 
west  of  Vinita.  And  for  the  same  reason  there  was  practi- 
cally no  demand  for  the  Company  lands  in  the  Territory. 
The  idea  of  building  to  the  Pacific  Coast  now  seemed  wholly 
out  of  question. 

On  June  7th  the  Circuit  Court  entered  a  decree  of  fore- 
closure and  instructed  the  receivers  to  sell  the  road.  Both 
the  South  Pacific,  which  was  under  a  first  mortgage,  and  the 
Atlantic  &  Pacific  under  a  second  mortgage  lien  were  to  be 
sold  together  as  a  whole.  Prompted  by  a  desire  to  protect 
their  investments,  a  small  meeting  of  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific 
bondholders  met  in  New  York  and  decided  if  possible  to  re- 
organize the  Missouri  Division  of  the  property  after  the 
foreclosure  had  taken  place.    Accordingly,  a  committee  con- 

*  Within  a  few  years  it  became,  as  is  well  known,  a  large  and  important 
railroad,  one  of  the  leading  members  of  the  so-called  Gould  combination. 


816  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

sisting  of  Andrew  Pierce,  Joseph  Seligman,  James  D.  Fish, 
Wm.  H.  Coffin,  and  J.  P.  Robinson,  was  appointed  to  buy 
the  road  for  the  benefit  of  the  bondholders  and  form  another 
company.  This  action  led  to  the  organization  on  September 
11th,  1876,  of  a  new  corporation,  the  St.  Louis  &  San  Fran- 
cisco Railroad  Company.  The  property  had  been  sold  in 
foreclosure  on  the  8th  for  $450,000,  the  sale  including  293 
miles  of  road  from  Pacific  City,  near  St.  Louis  to  the  south- 
western boundary  of  Missouri,  together  with  all  equipment 
that  belonged  to  the  railroad.  The  purchase  was  made  by 
W.  F.  Buckley,  who  represented  the  controlling  financial 
interests ;  he  also  acquired  the  land  grant  for  $50,000,  which 
was  sold  as  a  separate  parcel  in  the  same  foreclosure.  The 
sale  did  not  include  the  28  miles  of  road  from  Seneca  on  the 
state  line  to  Vinita,  Indian  Territory,  known  as  the  Central 
Division,  since-  that  portion  of  the  road  was  covered  by 
another  mortgage.  But  the  new  corporation  arranged  to 
use  this  line,  and  it  was  planned  to  build  into  St.  Louis  and 
extend  the  road  westward  through  the  Territory  as  fast  as 
possible.  Thus  from  the  old  Atlantic  &  Pacific  there  evolved 
the  St.  Louis  &  San  Francisco  Railroad  Company  with  which 
company  the  Santa  Fe  agreed  on  December  6th,  1879,  to  co- 
operate for  the  purpose  of  building  a  line  over  the  35th 
parallel  to  California,  under  the  terms  of  the  original  Atlan- 
tic &  Pacific  charter  of  1866. 

This  alliance  was  effected  for  strategic  as  well  as  econom- 
ical reasons.  The  Santa  Fe  line  it  will  be  observed  was 
then  nearing  Albuquerque ;  while  the  St.  Louis  &  San  Fran- 
cisco which  as  yet  only  reached  Vinita,  Indian  Territory,  had 
passed  under  the  control  of  a  group  of  financiers  who 
planned  to  build  their  road  first  to  Wichita,  Kansas.  Both 
companies  were  bent  upon  constructing  or  getting  control 
of  a  line  to  the  Pacific  Coast.     The  Santa  Fe  had  its  road 


e  § 


An  Outlet  to  the  Pacific  217 

practically  completed  from  Wichita  to  Albuquerque.  The 
St.  Louis  &  San  Francisco  would  soon  extend  its  line  to  Wich- 
ita, and  it  contemplated  building  from  Pacific  City  into 
St.  Louis  at  an  early  date.  The  latter  company  had  suc- 
ceeded to  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  land  grant  and  franchises 
conferred  by  the  Federal  charter  of  1866.  Thus  the  two 
companies  decided  to  combine  their  resources  and  cooperate 
in  building  a  main  line  from  Albuequerque  to  California. 
The  new  road  which  would  be  known  as  the  Western  Division 
of  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  was  to  be  constructed  under  the 
original  Atlantic  &  Pacific  charter.  The  project  when  re- 
alized would  give  a  new  and  continuous  railroad  route  from 
the  Mississippi  river  to  the  Pacific  Coast. 

January  31st,  1880,  the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe 
and  the  St.  Louis  &  San  Francisco  Companies  entered  into 
two  agreements  for  the  prosecution  of  this  enterprise.  By 
the  terms  of  the  first,  which  was  preliminary  to  the  second, 
the  Atchison  Company  acquired  without  cost  to  it,  one-half 
of  the  capital  stock  and  a  joint  and  equal  control  of  the 
Atlantic  &  Pacific  Company.  Both  the  Santa  Fe  and  the 
St.  Louis  Companies  were  then  to  convey  their  shares  to 
three  trustees  who  would  hold  them  and  manage  in  the 
common  interest. 

The  second  part  of  the  arrangement  was  a  tripartite 
agreement  whose  terms,  in  brief,  were  as  follows:  (1)  As 
thus  constituted,  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  company  was  to 
begin  and  complete  the  Western  Division  as  soon  as  prac- 
ticable; and  this  line  when  finished  was  to  be  operated  jointly 
by  the  Santa  Fe  and  Frisco  5  companies  as  a  continuous 
through  line  to  and  from  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri  rivers 

*  Throughout  the  Middle  and  Southwest  the  St.  Louis  &  San  Francisco 
is  known  as  the  "Frisco,"  which  abbreviated  name,  for  convenience,  will 
now  be  used  synonomously  with  the  full  name  of  the  Company. 


218  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

and  the  Pacific  coast.  (2)  In  order  to  construct  its  Western 
Division  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  company  was  to  issue  first 
mortgage  bonds  upon  all  its  Western  Division  property  and 
franchises  at  a  rate  not  exceeding  $25,000  per  mile;  and 
non-cumulative,  income  bonds,6  at  not  more  than  $18,750 
per  mile.  The  Atchison  and  the  St.  Louis  Companies  each 
had  a  right  to  dispose  of  one-half  of  the  foregoing  securities 
and  the  funds  thus  raised  were  to  be  used  in  constructing, 
equipping,  maintaining,  and  operating  the  Western  Division, 
and  in  meeting  interest  obligations  on  bonds  maturing  before 
the  road  was  completed.  (3)  When  the  Central  Division  of 
the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  road  was  built — from  Vinita  through 
the  Indian  Territory — both  the  Santa  Fe  and  the  St.  Louis 
&  San  Francisco  Companies  were  to  furnish  one-half  the  cost 
and  enjoy  one-half  the  profits  accruing  from  the  enterprise. 
(4)  No  new  lines  were  to  be  built  in  Kansas  except  by  mutual 
consent,  with  joint  ownership  and  joint  cost.  (5)  The  lines 
of  the  two  railroads  were  to  connect  at  Wichita — afterwards 
changed  to  Halstead — Kansas.  (6)  For  thirty  years,  all 
business  to  and  from  the  Western  Division  of  the  Atlantic  & 
Pacific  was  to  pass  over  the  Atchison  road  between  the  Rio 
Grande  river  and  Wichita;  from  Wichita  all  St.  Louis 
business  was  to  go  over  the  Frisco  and  all  Chicago  business 
should  be  routed  over  the  Santa  Fe  lines  to  the  Missouri 
River.  (7)  The  interest  on  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  first  mort- 
gage bonds  would  be  paid  as  a  part  of  the  cost  of  construc- 
tion until  one  year  after  the  road  was  opened  to  the  Coast. 
Then,  if  net  earnings  were  not  enough  to  meet  such  interest 
charges,  each  company  was  to  contribute  in  equal  proportion 

8  That  is,  bonds  which  are  obligated  to  pay  interest  only  when  earnings 
are  sufficient  to  justify  it;  and  which  interest  does  not  become  an 
indebtedness  and  thereby  accumulate  during  years  when  the  earnings  are 
too  low  to  warrant  payment.  > 


An  Outlet  to  the  Pacific  219 

to  make  up  the  deficiency,  but  this  amount  need  not  exceed  25 
per  cent,  of  the  gross  earnings  each  road  received  upon  the 
business  interchanged  with  the  Western  Division.  And 
finally,  (8)  it  was  agreed  that  the  proceeds  of  the  Atlantic 
&  Pacific  land  grant  should  be  used  to  pay  the  interest  and 
bonded  indebtedness  of  that  company. 

The  new  Atlantic  &  Pacific  Company,  it  should  be  ob- 
served, was  a  mere  creation  of  the  Atchison  and  the  St.  Louis 
corporations,  a  figure-head,  under  which  they  united  to  con- 
struct a  costly  and  difficult  piece  of  railroad  through  the 
mountains  and  across  the  deserts  of  Western  New  Mexico 
and  Arizona.  Thomas  Nickerson  of  the  Atchison  was  chosen 
president  of  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  with  E.  F.  Winslow  of  the 
Frisco  group  as  representatives  of  both  interests.  To  pro- 
vide the  immediate  means  for  the  construction  and  equip- 
ment of  the  road  westward  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  Col- 
orado river — about  600  miles — a  cash  subscription  of  $10,- 
000,000  was  promptly  raised  by  the  Santa  Fe  and  Frisco 
stockholders,  $5,000,000  from  each  group.  The  loan  was 
secured  by  a  first  mortgage  of  6  per  cent.  30-year  sinking 
fund  gold  bonds,  guaranteed  by  both  companies  according 
to  the  tripartite  agreement.  It  was  this  arrangement  to 
which  President  Nickerson  had  referred  in  his  annual  report 
from  which  quotation  has  been  made. 

Construction  began  in  the  late  spring  or  early  summer  of 
1880.  By  October,  a  fifty-mile  stretch  had  been  completed 
and  in  accordance  with  the  charter  of  1866,  application  was 
made  to  the  Federal  Government  for  the  lands  that  were 
granted  for  each  fifty  miles  as  the  road  was  built.  This 
raised  an  interesting  legal  question  touching  the  right  of  the 
Atlantic  &  Pacific  Company  to  receive  public  lands,  as  it  will 
be  recalled  that  the  Act  of  Incorporation  had  stipulated 
that  the  railroad  must  be  finished  and  in  operation  by  July 


220  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

4th,  1878;  otherwise  the  government  reserved  the  right  to 
carry  out  the  enterprise.  On  applying  for  Federal  commis- 
sioners to  examine  the  newly  constructed  line  that  the  Com- 
pany might  receive  its  land,  the  legality  of  this  question  was 
submitted  to  the  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States  who 
decided  on  October  28th,  that  since  the  Act  of  Congress 
organizing  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  Company  did  not  expressly 
provide  a  forfeiture  of  the  lands  granted,  the  Company  could 
therefore  claim  the  lands  thus  granted,  whenever  earned, 
unless  Congress  should  by  special  legislation  reserve  the  right 
to  take  possession  of  the  road  and  complete  its  construction 
as  provided  in  the  original  act.  Acting  upon  this  decision, 
three  commissioners  were  appointed  on  October  28th,  follow- 
ing which  the  work  was  duly  inspected  and  accepted.  The 
lands  were  granted  as  each  fifty-mile  section  was  completed 
and  the  road  progressed  steadily. 

The  work  had  started  at  Isleta,  a  point  twelve  miles  below 
Albuquerque,  where  the  Santa  Fe  main  line  crosses  the  Rio 
Grande.  By  February,  1881,  it  was  reported  that  100  miles 
of  track  had  been  laid,  with  80  miles  in  operation.  The  fol- 
lowing June  it  had  advanced  160  miles  from  Albuquerque 
and  was  nearing  Fort  Wingate.  The  enterprise  was  pushed 
with  vigor  under  the  direction  of  Lewis  Kingman,  one  of  the 
best  engineers  in  the  Santa  Fe  service.  At  one  time  during 
these  operations  it  is  said  that  800  carloads  of  rails  stood 
ready  for  distribution  at  Bacon  Springs,  an  outpost  on  the 
line.  Construction  trains  were  moving  the  various  materials 
to  the  front  as  fast  as  needed.  In  July,  1881,  the  company 
certified  to  the  Government  that  200  miles  had  been  com- 
pleted. 

During  the  month  of  September  it  was  planned  to  raise 
$15,000,000  of  additional  funds  of  which  amount  $10,000,- 
000  would  be  used  to  push  the  line  from  the  Colorado  River 


An  Outlet  to  the  Pacific  221 

through  California  to  San  Francisco,  and  $5,000,000  to 
build  through  Indian  Territory  from  Vinita.  Some  delay 
had  just  been  experienced  due  to  Indians  and  floods,  but 
236  miles  of  track  had  already  been  laid  and  the  road  was 
well  into  Arizona.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific 
directors  in  December  the  financial  plan  just  outlined  was 
formally  endorsed  and  it  was  decided  to  rush  construction 
from  the  Colorado  River  at  or  near  the  Needles  7  to  San 
Francisco.  Purchases  of  ties  and  rails  for  this  division  were 
reported  and  the  construction  of  62  miles  of  the  Central 
Division,  west  from  Vinita,  was  authorized. 

In  accordance  with  this  plan  a  financial  circular  was 
issued  in  January,  1882,  calling  for  subscriptions  to  the 
amount  of  $16,500,000  with  which  to  complete  the  road. 
Of  the  approximate  600  miles  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  the 
Colorado,  for  which  $10,000,000  had  been  raised  in  the 
spring  of  1880,  300  miles  had  been  completed,  and  all  was 
under  contract.  Of  the  unfinished  portion,  150  miles  were 
graded,  and  track  was  being  laid  at  the  rate  of  one  mile  per 
day.  Early  in  February,  the  Atchison  stockholders  were 
notified  that  "owing  to  changes  going  on  in  the  ownership 
of  the  stock  of  the  St.  Louis  &  San  Francisco  Railroad  com- 
pany" it  seemed  best  to  suspend  the  sale  of  the  new  issue  of 
securities.  On  further  deliberation,  however,  the  Atchison 
directorate  decided  not  to  delay  and  to  raise  the  funds  as 
already  planned,  but  an  interesting  situation  was  erelong 
to  develop.  The  Southern  Pacific  had  taken  a  hand  in  the 
game. 

In  January,  Collis  P.  Huntington  and  Jay  Gould  had 
gained  a  controlling  interest  of  the  St.  Louis  &  San  Fran- 

7  A  group  of  sharp-pointed  mountain  peaks  near  the  crossing  of  the 
Colorado  River  in  Southeastern  California,  A  railroad  town  of  the  same 
name  now  stands  near-by. 


The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

cisco  Company  through  heavy  purchases  of  its  stock.  Now 
Huntington,  as  everybody  knows,  dominated  the  Southern 
Pacific ;  while  Gould  had  acquired  control  and  was  now  pres- 
ident of  the  Texas  &  Pacific.  These  roads  even  then  ex- 
tended from  San  Francisco  to  New  Orleans.  The  Atlantic  & 
Pacific,  with  the  combined  Santa  Fe-St.  Louis  &  San  Fran- 
cisco lines,  obviously  would  form  a  directly  competing  rail- 
road with  that  of  the  Huntington-Gould  combination.  Hunt- 
ington, in  particular,  who  is  said  to  have  conducted  the  nego- 
tiations leading  to  the  purchase  of  the  Frisco  stock,  was  bent 
on  keeping  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  out  of  California.  To 
accomplish  this  purpose  he  therefore  bought  a  majority  of 
the  shares  of  the  $25,000,000  capital  stock  of  the  St.  Louis 
&  San  Francisco  and  turned  one-half  of  the  shares  thus  pur- 
chased over  to  Gould.  By  this  bit  of  strategy  Gould  and 
Huntington  of  course  gained  places  in  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific 
directorate  to  which  they  were  promptly  elected.  This  was 
embarrassing  to  the  Santa  Fe  management  who  had  gone  to 
great  trouble  and  expense  to  organize  and  build  the  Atlantic 
&  Pacific.  For  by  getting  control  of  the  St.  Louis  &  San 
Francisco,  Gould  and  Huntington  had  succeeded  to  the 
contracts  which  that  company  had  made  with  the  Santa  Fe 
for  building  a  line  that  was  to  rival  their  railroads,  and  the 
Santa  Fe  found  itself  in  a  sinister  combination  with  its  two 
greatest  rivals. 

On  the  12th  of  July,  1881,  William  B.  Strong  had  suc- 
ceeded to  the  presidency  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe 
and  though  pitted  against  two  of  the  best  railroad  strate- 
gists this  country  has  known,  Strong  played  the  game  with 
consummate  skill.  Though  naturally  a  hard  fighter  who 
preferred  open  conflict,  Strong  quickly  foresaw  that  a  strug- 
gle with  the  powerful  Southern  Pacific-Texas  Pacific  alliance 
would  be  foolish  and  perhaps  disastrous.   While  determined 


An  Outlet  to  the  Pacific  223 

to  extend  his  line  to  the  Pacific,  Strong  decided  for  the  time 
to  compromise.  When,  therefore,  Huntington  proposed — as 
was  to  be  expected — that  the  Santa  Fe  abandon  its  plan  to 
build  into  California  and  allow  the  Southern  Pacific  to  con- 
struct a  road  from  its  main  line  at  Mojave  to  the  Colorado 
River,  Strong  accepted  the  proposition,  and  a  conciliatory 
arrangement  was  concluded  late  in  the  winter  of  1882.  It 
was  thereby  agreed  that  the  Southern  Pacific  build  to  the 
Colorado  and  there  connect  with  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific,  as 
provided  in  the  charter  of  1866.  The  Southern  Pacific 
agreed  to  devote  25  per  cent,  of  the  gross  earnings  on 
through  business  over  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  to  the  payment 
of  the  interest  on  A.  &  P.  bonds,  according  to  the  original 
Santa  Fe-Frisco  agreement.  The  Atlantic  &  Pacific  re- 
tained whatever  rights  it  might  possess  to  build  through 
California.  The  Santa  Fe  was  given  a  traffic  outlet  to  San 
Francisco,  and  it  was  agreed  to  complete  both  the  Atlantic 
&  Pacific  to  the  Needles  and  the  new  Southern  Pacific  exten- 
sion from  Mo j  ave  to  the  Needles  without  delay.  Financially 
and  strategically  the  Santa  Fe  gained  by  this  scheme. 
Whereas,  before  Gould  and  Huntington  interfered,  arrange- 
ments had  been  made  to  raise  $16,500,000  to  build  the  At- 
lantic &  Pacific  to  the  Golden  Gate,  with  the  California  line 
eliminated,  only  $6,500,000  was  now  needed  to  reach  the 
Colorado  River.  Thus  Strong  gained  a  foothold  on  the 
very  border  of  his  enemy's  country,  at  a  comparatively  small 
expense,  and  the  financial  resources  of  his  Company  were  left 
unimpaired. 

Construction  had  not  been  delayed  by  these  operations. 

Before  the  end  of  May  the  end  of  the  road  was  more  than 

300  miles  west  of  the  Rio  Grande  at  the  Canyon  Diablo,8 

which  was  crossed  early  in  July  by  a  $250,000  steel  viaduct, 

8  A  place  of  much  interest  to  present  day  tourists. 


224  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

525  feet  long  and  254  feet  in  height.  Already  the  road  was 
graded  180  miles  beyond,  and  plans  for  a  quarter  of  a 
million  dollar  bridge  over  the  Colorado  River  had  been  per- 
fected. On  October  14th  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  had  been 
constructed  405  miles,  while  the  Southern  Pacific  likewise 
was  building  rapidly  across  the  California  desert  to  the 
Colorado.  Building  west  from  Vinita  went  slowly.  In 
August,  1883,  the  track  was  at  last  completed  and  connec- 
tion was  made  with  the  Southern  Pacific  at  the  Colorado, 
which  was  crossed  successfully  by  means  of  a  temporary 
bridge,  and  a  new  main  line  to  Southern  California — the 
present  route  of  the  Santa  Fe — had  been  achieved. 

But  President  Strong  and  the  Boston  capitalists  who  were 
financing  the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  were  keenly  dis- 
appointed at  having  been  blocked  in  their  efforts  to  build 
into  California.  The  Santa  Fe  had  become  a  big  railroad. 
With  eastern  terminals  on  the  Missouri  River  it  had  been 
pushed  more  than  1200  miles  through  the  Southwest,  its 
farthest  extension  ending  at  nowhere  in  particular  on  the 
edge  of  the  California  desert.  An  outlet  to  the  Pacific  was 
needed ;  but  for  the  time,  at  least,  this  looked  impossible,  ex- 
cept under  such  conditions  as  the  Southern  Pacific  might 
impose  since  this  railroad  now  blocked  the  way.  Strong  met 
the  situation  by  a  counter-move  through  Old  Mexico. 

Nearly  three  years  before,  in  the  autumn  of  1879,  some 
Boston  financiers,  representing  the  Santa  Fe  interests,  had 
organized  the  Sonora  Railway  Company  for  the  purpose 
of  building  a  railroad  from  the  American  border  through  the 
Mexican  state  of  Sonora  to  the  Gulf  of  California.  A  liberal 
cash  subsidy  of  $11,270  in  silver  per  mile,  to  be  paid  as  the 
road  was  built,  together  with  certain  concessions  were  se- 
cured from  the  Mexican  Government.  Work  was  started  at 
Guaymas  in  the  year  1880  but  was  not  hurried,  and  by  No- 


An  Outlet  to  the  Pacific  225 

vember,  1881,  the  road  was  in  operation  only  to  Hermosillo 
on  the  Sonora  River,  90  miles  north.  Now  when  in  March  of 
that  same  year  the  Santa  Fe  under  the  name  of  Rio  Grande 
&  Mexican  Pacific  had  effected  a  junction  with  the  Southern 
Pacific  at  Deming,  New  Mexico,  it  had  been  planned  to  con- 
tinue the  line  directly  south  into  Old  Mexico.  But  inasmuch 
as  the  Southern  Pacific  Company  made  a  satisfactory  pro- 
posal offering  the  use  of  their  tracks,  an  agreement  was 
concluded  subject  to  termination  by  either  party  on  a  two- 
year  notice,  whereby  for  a  stipulated  rental,  the  Santa  Fe 
trains  were  allowed  to  use  the  Southern  Pacific  tracks  from 
Deming  to  Benson,  Arizona,  174  miles  west. 

On  securing  this  two-year  trackage  agreement  with  the 
Southern  Pacific  the  Santa  Fe  organized  and  in  the  summer 
of  1881  started  building  the  New  Mexico  &  Arizona  railroad 
south  and  west  toward  Nogales  about  90  miles  distant,  on 
the  Mexican  boundary.  The  New  Mexico  &  Arizona  was 
projected  with  a  view  of  connecting  eventually  with  the 
Sonora  railroad,  which  move  was  thought  to  be  of  strategic 
importance.  Funds  for  building  the  new  road  were  supplied 
directly  by  the  Santa  Fe.  By  the  close  of  1881  the  sum 
of  $1,300,000  had  been  spent  upon  the  enterprise,  which 
was  now  well  under  way. 

Such  therefore  was  the  situation,  when  early  in  the  year 
1882  Collis  P.  Huntington  induced  Mr.  Strong  unwillingly 
to  submit  to  a  compromise  agreement  that  for  the  time  at 
least  would  prevent  the  Santa  Fe  from  entering  California 
and  obtaining  a  seaport  terminal.  By  its  own  line  to 
Deming,  by  means  of  the  Southern  Pacific  trackage  agree- 
ment to  Benson,  and  the  New  Mexico  &  Arizona  now  build- 
ing, the  Santa  Fe  had  already  arrived  within  striking  dis- 
tance of  salt  water.  Within  four  weeks  after  Huntington 
had  arranged  to  block  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  at  the  crossing 


226  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

of  the  Colorado  River,  the  Atchison  Company  formally  ac- 
quired 9  the  Sonora  railroad.  It  therefore  remained  only  to 
close  a  gap  of  some  250  miles  between  the  southern  end  of 
the  New  Mexico  &  Arizona  in  lower  Arizona  and  Sonora 
line  near  the  Sonora  river.  Work  on  this  section  was  now  re- 
newed with  great  energy  and  on  October  25th,  1882,  the 
Santa  Fe  tracks  met  at  Nogales^  A  Pacific  port  had  finally 
been  reached  at  Guaymas,  Mexico,  and  the  long  sought 
outlet  to  the  ocean  had  at  last  been  won.  This  achievement 
gave  the  interior  of  the  United  States  a  route  to  Australia 
1400  miles  shorter  than  from  San  Francisco;  and  with  a 
main  line  1700  miles  in  extent,  the  Santa  Fe  thus  became  the 
longest  railroad  in  the  world  under  a  single  management. 
But  William  B.  Strong  had  even  greater  ambitions.  He 
was  determined  to  get  into  Southern  California  regardless 
of  Huntington  and  the  Southern  Pacific.  Already  he  had 
started  a  net-work  of  branch  lines  in  Kansas.  And  far  to 
the  south  of  Kansas  a  port  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  might 
some  day  be  desired.  First  as  general  manager  and  now  as 
president  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe,  Strong  had 
won  the  united  support  of  his  directorate  and  the  capitalists 
of  Boston.  The  entire  Southwest  lay  before  him  as  a  field 
of  action.  And  Strong  had  Albert  A.  Robinson,  one  of  the 
greatest  of  engineers,  with  an  efficient  corps  of  assistants, 
to  carry  out  his  aims.  Great  things  were  now  to  be  accom- 
plished. 

*Comrner.  $  Finan.  Chron.,  March  18,  1882.  This  was  done  by  the 
Atchison  taking  over  the  $5,400,000  in  stocks  and  $4,050,000  7%  gold 
bonds  of  the  Sonora  Company  and  guaranteeing  the  interest  on  the  bonds 
and  issuing  its  own  stock  at  the  rate  of  one  share  of  Atchison  in  ex- 
change for  two  shares  of  Sonora  stock.  The  Atchison  of  course  became 
the  recipient  of  the  Mexican  subsidy  as  a  result  of  this  deal. 


CHAPTER  X 

VIGOROUS   EXPANSION 

DURING  these  eventful  years  the  aggressive  activities 
of  the  Santa  Fe  Company  had  been  by  no  means  con- 
fined to  the  Grand  Canon  war  and  the  subsequent  advance 
across  New  Mexico,  Arizona  and  Northwestern  Mexico.  To 
the  eastward,  events  less  spectacular  but  of  far-reaching  im- 
portance had  been  likewise  taking  place.  In  the  preceding 
chapter,  reference  was  made  to  the  construction  of  branch 
lines  in  Kansas.  The  Kansas  City,  Emporia  &  Southern,  an 
extension  south  from  Emporia,  was  commenced  in  April, 
1879,  and  built  through  Eureka  to  the  south  line  of  Green- 
wood County,  about  64  miles,  by  October  10th.  From  the 
county  line  the  work  was  continued  under  the  name  of  Elk  & 
Chautauqua  *  railroad  to  Howard,  12  miles  beyond,  which 
town  was  reached  December  31st. 

The  Cowley,  Sumner  &  Fort  Smith,  a  continuation  of  the 

1  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  practically  all  supplementary  build- 
ing activities  of  railroads  are  carried  on  under  special  charters  and  often 
under  corporate  names  that  bear  no  resemblance  to  that  of  the  parent 
company.  This  is  done  mainly  because  the  original  charter  of  a  railroad 
seldom  is  general  enough  in  the  privileges  which  it  confers  to  anticipate 
the  special  and  sometimes  peculiar  requirements  of  branch  line  construc- 
tion, or  extensions  that  were  not  specifically  authorized.  Again,  because 
of  litigation  that  is  likely  to  occur  through  a  possible  misinterpretation 
of  charter  privileges  with  reference  to  extensions  and  the  securing  of 
special  franchises,  it  is  highly  desirable  to  incorporate  especially  for 
the  construction  of  branches  and  extensions  which  may  be,  and  usually 
are,  absorbed  by  the  main  company  when  the  work  is  finished.  This 
policy  in  general  makes  for  the  highest  efficiency  and  economy. 

227 


228  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Wichita  &  Southwestern,  was  started  from  Wichita  on  May 
1st,  1879.  The  road  was  built  first  to  Mulvane,  16  miles 
southeast,  where  it  divided.  From  Mulvane,  one  stem  com- 
pleted September  15th,  went  southwest  18  miles  to  Welling- 
ton, whence  two  branches  were  started,  one  25  miles  south  to 
Caldwell  which  was  reached  in  September  1880;  the  other 
branch  was  started  west  to  the  county  line  under  the  name 
of  the  Wellington  &  Western  railroad.  The  second  main 
division  leading  out  of  Mulvane  went  southeast  23  miles  to 
Winfield  and  then  due  south  12  miles  to  Arkansas  City  near 
the  border  of  Indian  Territory.  The  road  was  opened  for 
traffic  from  Wichita  to  Arkansas  City  on  December  31st, 
1879.  Now  but  a  few  miles  from  the  Territory  and  headed 
toward  Texas,  this  branch  was  soon  to  blend  into  a  main 
line  of  much  importance. 

While  these  branches  were  being  constructed  in  the 
southern  part  of  the  state  a  line  known  as  the  Marion  & 
McPherson  branch  was  building  due  west  from  Florence  in 
Central  Kansas.  Beginning  May  1st,  the  road  was  con- 
structed 47  miles  to  McPherson  by  September  29th,  1879. 
Still  another  branch,  the  Manhattan,  Alma  &  Burlingame, 
57  miles  in  length,  was  built  that  same  summer  by  the  Santa 
Fe  and  Union  Pacific  companies  to  connect  their  respective 
main  lines  between  Manhattan  and  Burlingame. 

In  the  early  autumn  of  1880  the  Santa  Fe  purchased  the 
Kansas  City,  Lawrence  &  Southern  railroad,  a  small  inde- 
pendent system  in  Southern  Kansas  having  a  total  of  365 
miles  of  main  track  and  branches.  The  road  comprised 
two  stems,  one  extending  from  Lawrence  due  south  to  Cof- 
feyville  near  the  state  line ;  while  the  other  portion  branched 
from  the  Coffeyville  division  at  Cherryvale  in  southern  Kan- 
sas and  ran  in  a  westerly  direction  through  Winfield  and 
Wellington    to    the    town    of    Harper.      There    were    two 


Vigorous  Expansion 

branches:  one  from  Wellington  to  Hunnewell  on  the  Indian 
Territory  border;  and  another  running  southeast  from 
Olathe  through  Ottawa  to  the  town  of  Burlington.  For 
this  group  of  lines  the  Atchison  company  paid  $3,743,000  in 
its  own  5  per  cent.  40-year  bonds,  receiving  therefor  the 
securities  of  the  Southern  Kansas  company  in  an  even  ex- 
change, dollar  for  dollar.  The  sale  was  made  in  the  name 
of  the  Kansas  City,  Topeka  &  Western,  the  auxiliary  com- 
pany by  which  the  Santa  Fe  had  gained  access  to  Kansas 
City  back  in  1875. 

The  Southern  Kansas  Railway  system  developed  from  the 
Leavenworth,  Lawrence  &  Fort  Gibson  Railroad  company, 
which  was  incorporated  under  the  original  Santa  Fe  land 
grant  of  1863,  the  main  terms  of  which  were  indicated  in  the 
second  chapter.  In  addition  to  the  public  lands  appro- 
priated by  this  act,  the  Leavenworth,  Lawrence  &  Fort  Gib- 
son company  was  aided  by  a  land  donation  under  the  terms 
of  a  bill  passed  by  Congress  and  approved  Sept.  4th,  1841, 
"An  Act  to  approve  the  sales  of  public  lands  and  to 
grant  preemption  rights."  Section  8  of  this  law  provided  for 
a  grant  of  500,000  acres  of  lands  to  certain  states  2  and  to 
each  state  hereafter  to  be  admitted  to  the  Union,  the  lands 
to  be  sold  at  not  less  than  $1.25  per  acre  and  the  proceeds 
to  be  devoted  by  the  various  states  to  internal  improve- 
ments. The  lands  so  designated  in  Kansas  were  especially 
selected  by  three  commissioners  in  1864.  By  an  act  ap- 
proved February  23rd,  1866,  the  Kansas  legislature  after  a 
stormy  debate  granted  this  500,000  acres  equally  to  four 
railroad  companies  one  of  which  was  the  Leavenworth,  Law- 
rence &  Fort  Gibson.     In  addition  to  this  aid  of  125,000 

'The  states  especially  enumerated  in  the  bill  were  Ohio,  Indiana, 
Illinois,  Alabama,  Missouri,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  and  Michi- 
gan. 


230  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

acres,  the  road  actually  received  62,509.41  acres  under  the 
provisions  of  the  Act  of  March  3rd,  1863. 

On  date  of  February  24th,  1866,  the  name  of  the  corpo- 
ration was  changed  to  the  Leavenworth,  Lawrence  &  Galves- 
ton Railroad  company.  This  company  built  the  line  from 
Lawrence  to  Coffey ville,  about  142  miles,  which  was  opened 
for  traffic  August  28th,  1871.  Getting  into  financial  troubles 
the  road  was  finally  sold  under  foreclosure  August  9th,  1878, 
and  reorganized  as  the  Lawrence  &  Galveston  Railroad  com- 
pany. On  April  1st,  1879,  the  Lawrence  &  Galveston  con- 
solidated with  the  Kansas  City  &  Santa  Fe  and  the  Southern 
Kansas  railroad  companies.  The  former  corporation  was 
organized  March  25th,  1868,  and  by  1871  had  built  32  miles 
of  road  from  Ottawa  to  Olathe,  which  line  was  then  leased 
to  the  Leavenworth,  Lawrence  &  Galveston.  The  Southern 
Kansas  had  only  a  ten-mile  stretch  of  track  from  Cherry- 
vale  to  Independence.  With  this  consolidation  the  roads 
thus  named  took  the  corporate  name  of  Kansas  City,  Law- 
rence &  Southern  Railroad  Company.  The  extension  from 
Cherryvale  to  Independence  was  at  once  pushed  through  to 
Harper,  a  distance  of  about  149  miles,  and  the  Hunnewell 
branch,  18  miles  in  length,  was  likewise  built  and  opened  for 
traffic  in  1880.  Such  in  brief  is  the  history  of  the  Southern 
Kansas  railroad  as  acquired  by  the  Atchison,  Topeka  & 
Santa  Fe  on  December  16th,  1880. 

The  Santa  Fe  directors  made  this  acquisition  largely  for 
self-protection.  Since  the  Southern  Kansas  lines  lay  direct- 
ly within  Santa  Fe  "territory"  in  Kansas  it  was  felt  that  this 
property  if  in  the  hands  of  an  unfriendly  competitor  might 
be  used  to  make  dangerous  inroads  upon  Santa  Fe  business. 
The  directors  further  believed,  incidentally,  that  the  South- 
ern Kansas  under  good  management  would  prove  a  valuable 
property,  and  in  this  they  were  fully  justified.     For  the 


Vigorous  Expansion  &31 

road  passed  through  excellent  farm  lands  which  have  made 
splendid  development ;  while  valuable  deposits  of  gas,  petro- 
leum and  coal,  since  discovered,  have  made  this  region  one  of 
the  richest  sections  served  by  the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa 
Fe  railroad.  And  finally  since  it  traversed  Eastern  and 
Southern  Kansas  the  acquisition  of  the  Southern  Kansas 
lines  did  much  to  round  out  the  Santa  Fe  system  in  Kansas 
and  to  strengthen  its  position  and  influence. 

Besides  purchasing  the  Southern  Kansas,  the  Santa  Fe  in 
1880  constructed  over  400  miles  of  railroad  which  included 
branches  from  McPherson,  Wellington  and  Manhattan, 
Kansas,  a  spur  from  Pueblo,  Colorado,  to  the  Canon  coal 
fields,  and  lines  in  New  Mexico  which  already  have  been 
described. 

In  the  spring  of  1881  work  on  the  Florence,  El  Dorado 
and  Walnut  Valley  extension  south  from  El  Dorado,  Kan- 
sas, was  begun.  As  the  road  approached  Augusta,  a  neigh- 
boring town,  an  election  was  held  in  which  several  townships 
voted  railroad  bonds  with  enthusiasm.  Considerably  wrought 
up  over  the  prospect  of  getting  a  railroad,  the  Southern 
Kansas  Gazette  of  Augusta  came  out  with  an  inspiring  ed- 
itorial headed: 

Another  Boom.  Bonds  Carry  All  Along  the  Line.  "God 
made  the  country,  and  man  made  the  cities/'  and  one  of  the 
greatest  helps  in  developing  the  country  and  assisting  man  in 
building  large  and  magnificent  cities  is  the  railroad.  Communi- 
ties cry  for  them  as  children  cry  for  sweetmeats;  people  buy 
them  with  bonds,  as  anxiously  and  readily  as  children  spend 
their  pennies  for  candy.  Without  railroads  farm  lands  are 
valueless,  cities  and  towns  sink  into  ruin  and  oblivion,  while 
their  neighbors,  who  are  blest  with  these  roads,  enjoy  the  pleas- 
ures of  life  and  realize  that  their  property  has  a  fixed  value, 
readily  convertible  into  cash. 

Desiring  all  reasonable  and  attainable  facilities  for  the  trans- 


232  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

action  of  business;  and  all  possible  auxiliaries  for  the  develop- 
ment, growth  and  prosperity  of  our  county  and  cities,  the  people 
of  August,  Walnut,  and  Douglass  townships  have  voted  the  aid 
asked  by  the  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  company  ($40,000)  for  the  extension 
of  the  Walnut  Valley  branch  through  their  respective  townships. 
The  road  will  be  completed  by  August  1st  and  the  building 
thereof  will  furnish  employment  for  a  large  number  of  men  at 
good  wages  for  ninety  days.  Augusta  will  be  the  contractors' 
headquarters.  Here  the  supplies  will  be  purchased  and  all  the 
general  business  relating  to  the  construction  of  the  road  trans- 
acted. .  .  .  This  in  connection  with  the  present  boom  in  build- 
ing and  general  business  will  make  our  city  the  liveliest  town  in 
the  State.  It  is  useless  at  this  time  to  refer  to  the  benefits  to 
be  derived  from  the  completion  of  the  road.  Suffice  it  to  say 
that  no  town  in  the  state  will  have  the  advantage  of  us,  and  that 
with  our  magnificent  farming  country  to  back  us  up,  Augusta  will 
soon  take  rank  among  the  most  important  cities  of  the  State. 

While  it  is  to  be  feared  that  Augusta  has  never  realized 
these  high  ambitions,  this  sentiment  fairly  typified  the  extrav- 
agant hopes  with  which  the  prairie  towns  welcomed  an 
approaching  railroad. 

Late  in  the  summer  as  the  line  reached  Douglass,  a  tiny 
hamlet  eleven  miles  south  of  Augusta,  a  welcoming  celebra- 
tion was  planned.  The  local  paper  has  left  an  interesting 
description  of  the  affair,  a  part  of  which  account  follows: 

As  soon  as  it  became  evident  that  the  efforts  of  the  A.  T. 
&  S.  F.  R.  R.  Company  to  complete  the  branch  road  to  Douglass 
by  the  first  of  August  would  be  a  success  the  people  of  our  town 
determined  to  celebrate  in  honor  of  the  event,  and  at  once 
directed  their  efforts  to  pleasantly  entertain  all  that  might  be 
with  us  on  the  day  chosen  for  the  occasion. 

Tuesday,  August  2nd,  was  the  day  of  merriment,  and  no 
atmosphere  more  pure  ever  existed  and  no  brighter  sun  ever 
rose  in  its  grandeur  to  light  the  course  of  a  happy  people  than 
Tuesday's  sun,  which  being  unclouded  during  the  whole  day  im- 
parted intense  heat  that  at  midday  was  a  little  uncomfortable 


Vigorous  Expansion  £3S 

to  endure,  but  the  splendor  of  the  day  is  not  often  surpassed. 
.  .  .  The  Railroad  Company  not  forgetful  in  attributing  to 
the  people's  pleasure,  kindly  gave  a  free  excursion  from  El 
Dorado  and  return.  The  cars  were  prepared  and  kept  in  readi- 
ness at  El  Dorado,  and  early  Tuesday  morning  the  people  began 
to  gather  at  the  depot  from  every  direction.  At  eight  o'clock  the 
train  started  with  about  fifteen  hundred  persons  aboard,  and  those 
desiring  were  permitted  to  join  the  crowd  on  the  road  until  the 
number  was  swelled  to  probably  two  thousand  people  when  the 
train  arrived  at  Douglass.  Waiting  the  arrival  of  the  train  were 
perhaps  as  many  more  making  in  all  some  four  thousand  people 
assembled  at  Douglass  to  view  the  growing  town,  observe  the 
surrounding  country,  listen  to  the  orators  of  the  day,  meet 
friends  and  have  a  good  time  in  general.  For  some  reason  the 
orators  of  the  day  were  not  present,  but  their  places  were  ably 
filled  by  Messrs.  E.  N.  Smith  and  A.  L.  Redden,  of  El  Dorado, 
and  others.  The  El  Dorado  band  furnished  the  music  and  the 
program  was  carried  out  apparently  to  the  satisfaction  of  all. 

At  two  o'clock  the  new  store  building  of  J.  M.  Wilson  was 
occupied  by  the  young  people  who  engaged  in  dancing  until 
a  later  hour.  At  night  Lowe's  Hall  was  opened  for  a  ball  and 
was  completely  filled  by  those  that  like  to  assemble  where  the 
merriment  of  the  young  goes  on. 

At  four  o'clock  the  excursion  train  returned  to  El  Dorado, 
when  those  that  desired  were  permitted  to  go  as  far  as  Augusta 
and  return  on  the  evening  train. 

All  day  the  different  places  of  business  were  a  scene  of  life, 
and  it  was  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  for  our  men  of  trade,  the 
incentive  to  action  long  needed,  the  dispeller  of  discouragement 
long  felt.  No  act  of  turbulence,  no  flagitatious  scene  marred 
the  pleasure  of  the  things  of  people  from  whose  faces  there 
radiated  the  expression  of  joy.  And  Douglass  realized  a  day 
long  looked  for — not  soon  to  be  forgotten. 

Such  was  a  typical  celebration  of  the  day  when  the  rail- 
road came  to  town. 

Construction  for  the  year  1881  aggregated  nearly  257 
miles,  comprising  an  extension  of  the  Marion  &  McPherson 


234  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

branch  from  Lyons  to  Ellinwood,  about  20  miles ;  the  Flor- 
ence, El  Dorado  and  Walnut  Valley  extended  from  El  Do- 
rado to  Douglass,  24  miles,  and  the  Harvey  County  railroad, 
Sedgwick  to  Halstead,  Kansas,  9  miles  in  length.  These 
branches  were  completed  to  the  points  named,  on  September 
1st,  August  1st,  and  December  31st,  respectively.  In  addi- 
tion there  were  the  lines  in  the  Southwest  already  described : 
the  Rio  Grande,  Mexico  &  Pacific  from  San  Marcial  to  Dem- 
ing,  and  Rincon  to  the  Texas  boundary ;  the  Rio  Grande  &  El 
Paso  railroad  in  Texas  from  the  New  Mexico  line,  20  miles  to 
El  Paso;  the  New  Mexico  and  Arizona  of  which  about  18 
miles  were  finished  in  1881 ;  and  a  short  spur  of  about  7  miles 
from  Raton  to  the  coal  mines  at  Dillon  in  northern  New 
Mexico. 

The  following  year  about  124  miles  were  added.  This 
increase  included  a  14-mile  track  from  Olathe  to  connect 
the  Southern  Kansas  system  with  the  main  line  at  Holliday, 
with  the  remainder  in  New  Mexico  and  Arizona.  Also,  in 
the  summer  of  1882  the  Santa  Fe  purchased  a  controlling  in- 
terest in  the  Leavenworth,  Topeka  &  Southwestern,  com- 
monly known  as  the  "Leavenworth  &  Topeka,"  a  line  about 
46  miles  in  length  running  from  Meriden  to  Leavenworth, 
Kansas.  At  the  end  of  1882  the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa 
Fe  system  comprised  2,620  miles  of  railroad,  located  in 
Missouri,  Kansas,  Colorado,  New  Mexico,  Texas,  Arizona 
and  Sonora,  Mexico.  The  total  earnings  were  over  $14,770,- 
000 — an  increase  of  nearly  $2,200,000  over  the  preceding 
year.  The  net  earnings  were  more  than  $6,000,000  of  which 
the  Southern  Kansas  produced  over  $600,000.  The  Com- 
pany now  represented  a  permanent  investment  of  more  than 
$82,000,000  in  stocks  and  bonds  and  was  in  an  excellent 
financial  condition  with  no  floating  debts.     To  handle  the 


Vigorous  Expansion  £35 

growing  traffic  of  the  road  97  locomotives  and  611  cars  were 
added  to  the  Santa  Fe's  equipment  that  year. 

In  his  annual  report  for  1882  President  Strong  said: 
"Thirteen  years  ago  the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  rail- 
road, a  line  then  28  miles  in  length  under  the  same  general 
direction  which  now  governs  its  affairs,  asked  the  confidence 
and  support  of  the  Massachusetts  public  3  in  the  execution 
of  the  projects  it  contemplated.  Through  good  and  evil 
times  that  support  has  always  been  readily  given  and  that 
confidence  has  never  been  broken ;  and  as  a  result  those  who 
have  followed  the  fortunes  of  the  company  have  shared  in 
its  prosperity." 

What  the  future  plans  of  the  company  might  be,  Strong 
said  must  largely  depend  upon  the  policy  pursued  by  the 
road's  competitors.  He  assured  the  stockholders  that  every 
prudent  measure  would  be  taken  "to  preserve  the  property 
in  its  integrity."  It  is  doubtless  quite  apparent  by  this 
time  that  Strong's  method  of  preserving  the  integrity  of 
his  company's  property  was  that  of  vigorous  expansion  and 
while  wonderful  progress  had  been  made  in  thirteen  years, 
the  railroad  was  as  yet  only  started  upon  its  future  great 
development. 

In  July,  1883,  the  Ottawa  and  Burlington  railroad,  ex- 
tending 46  miles  from  near  Ottawa  to  Burlington,  a  road 
incorporated  on  February  4th,  1870,  as  the  Kansas  City, 
Burlington  &  Santa  Fe  and  opened  for  traffic  March  28th, 
1878,  was  consolidated  with  the  Southern  Kansas  system.  In 
1883-1884  several  branches  were  added  to  the  Southern 
Kansas  railroad  as  follows:  By  the  Kansas  City  &  Emporia 
company,  chartered  December  11th,  1880,  from  Ottawa  to 

'The  Santa  Fe  railroad  was  financed  and  down  to  1889  controlled 
largely  by  Boston  capitalists. 


236  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Emporia,  56  miles,  opened  February  1st,  1884.  This  road 
connected  the  Southern  Kansas  system  with  the  Santa  Fe 
main  line  at  Emporia  and  is  to-day  a  part  of  the  double- 
tracked  through  main  line  from  Kansas  City  to  Emporia. 
Other  construction  during  this  period  was  by  the  Kansas 
Southern,  chartered  February  15th,  1884,  from  Chanute  to 
Girard,  about  40  miles,  and  opened  at  the  end  of  that  year; 
and  by  the  Harper  &  Western,  chartered  July  1st,  1884, 
from  Harper  to  Attica,  nearly  12  miles,  and  opened  No- 
vember 10th,  1884.  The  Girard  branch  tapped  the  best  coal 
fields  in  Kansas  and  has  since  become  one  of  the  most  val- 
uable feeders  in  the  Santa  Fe  system;  while  the  Harper 
branch  was  soon  to  be  extended  into  a  main  line.  These 
branches  so  interwove  the  Southern  Kansas  lines  with  those 
of  the  Santa  Fe  company  that  in  1884  the  accounts  of  the 
two  systems  were  amalgamated  and  the  Southern  Kansas 
henceforth  became  in  reality  only  a  corporate  name  to  desig- 
nate a  certain  group  of  Santa  Fe  lines.  During  this  same 
year  the  Atchison  management  purchased,  likewise  through 
the  Kansas  City,  Topeka  &  Western,  a  half  interest  in  the 
Kansas  City  Belt  Line  railway,  which  was  made  necessary 
by  the  heavy  growth  of  business  and  the  need  of  better  ter- 
minal facilities  in  Kansas  City.  The  Belt  Line  was  con- 
structed in  1885-1886  and  proved  a  valuable  asset  to  the 
company.  Other  construction  finished  during  this  period 
was  the  Wichita  &  Western,  from  Wichita  to  Kingman, 
about  45  miles,  constructed  jointly  by  the  Atchison  and  the 
St.  Louis  &  San  Francisco  companies ;  and  the  Lake  Valley, 
Magdalena  and  Silver  City  branches  in  New  Mexico.  About 
250  miles  were  added  by  purchase  or  construction  in  Kan- 
sas and  New  Mexico  in  the  years  1883  and  1884.  The  long- 
expected  entrance  of  California  was  now  at  hand. 

With  the  completion  on  July  29th,  1884,  of  a  large  and 


Vigorous  Expansion  337 

permanent  bridge  over  the  Colorado  river  at  the  Needles, 
California,  through  passenger  trains  with  sleeping  car  ser- 
vice were  at  once  established  without  change  or  transfer  be- 
tween San  Francisco  and  Kansas  City.  The  line  is  said  to 
have  been  in  good  condition  for  the  handling  of  transconti- 
nental passenger  and  freight  business;  yet  a  serious  dilem- 
ma now  confronted  the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe,  for 
there  was  little  or  no  traffic  for  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  road. 
Extending  for  hundreds  of  miles  through  a  wholly  undevel- 
oped country,  much  of  it  desert  waste,  local  business  could 
not  be  expected  until  mineral  deposits  and  occasional  tracts 
of  timber  could  be  exploited.  While  a  large  amount  of 
through  traffic  should  have  been  passing  over  this  line  it  is 
claimed  that  the  Southern  Pacific  persistently  diverted  such 
traffic  over  its  central  and  southern  routes  through  Ogden 
and  El  Paso.  In  building  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  through 
to  the  Needles  title  had  been  secured  to  some  14,000,000 
acres  of  land  worth  on  an  average  about  fifty  cents  per  acre. 
The  St.  Louis  &  San  Francisco  was  again  free  from  Southern 
Pacific  influence  and  ready  to  act  on  its  own  initiative.  Some 
definite  plan  must  be  determined  in  order  to  relieve  this  sit- 
uation and  in  the  summer  of  1884  several  courses  of  pro- 
cedure were  open.  One  was  to  do  nothing.  The  Santa  Fe  & 
Frisco  companies  might  continue  to  endure  the  existing 
situation  and  keep  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  company  solvent 
by  their  pocketing  a  heavy  loss  on  the  money  already  in- 
vested. In  that  case  they  would  submit  to  fixed  charges  of 
at  least  $1,000,000  per  year  of  which  each  company  must 
furnish  half  for  an  indefinite  time  without  prospect  of  any 
proportionate  financial  returns.  Obviously  this  was  intol- 
erable. 

Another  alternative  scarcely  more  desirable  was  to  aban- 
don the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  and  renounce,  perhaps  forever, 


238  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

the  prospect  of  getting  into  California.  For  William  B. 
Strong  and  the  Atchison  directorate  this  idea  was  repugnant, 
since  they  were  determined  to  gain  a  foothold  in  California. 
Such  a  plan,  furthermore,  would  allow  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific 
to  become  insolvent  and  inflict  heavy  loss  upon  security- 
holders who  had  advanced  money  to  aid  the  enterprise,  with 
the  understanding  that  the  road  would  be  built  and  main- 
tained. In  such  event,  the  Southern  Pacific  would  naturally 
gain  instant  possession  of  the  abandoned  road  and  thereby 
perhaps  invade  Atchison  territory  in  New  Mexico,  Colorado 
and  Kansas. 

A  third  and  boldly  aggressive  proposition  was  to  parallel 
the  Southern  Pacific  by  constructing  an  entirely  new  line 
more  than  600  miles  from  Needles  to  San  Francisco.  While 
physically  possible  such  a  project  seemed  at  that  time  un- 
wise, because  of  the  great  expense  not  only  in  building  the 
road  but  in  securing  terminals  in  the  metropolis.  Evidently 
fearing  that  Strong  might  do  this,  however,  Huntington  now 
came  forward  with  another  compromise.  This  time  he  offered 
to  sell  the  so-called  Mojave  Division  which  his  company  had 
built  from  Mojave  to  the  Needles  to  connect  with  the  At- 
lantic &  Pacific  the  year  before.  Huntington,  to  be  sure, 
charged  a  good  price;  he  built  railroads  for  profit — but  he 
made  certain  concessions  that  could  scarcely  be  refused. 
Hence  the  fourth  and  most  desirable  alternative,  the  pur- 
chase of  the  Mojave  line,  was  accepted  and  in  fulfillment 
of  this  joint  purchase  four  written  instruments  were  drawn 
up  and  ratified  by  the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe,  St. 
Louis  &  San  Francisco,  and  Southern  Pacific  companies  on 
August  20th,  1884. 

By  the  first  of  these  instruments,  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific 
Company  bought  the  Southern  Pacific  road  between  Mojave 
and  the  Needles,  242  miles  for  $30,000  per  mile.     Due  to 


Vigorous  Expansion  £39 

minor  technicalities  a  title  to  this  road  could  not  be  given 
at  once  4  and  until  such  title  could  be  rendered,  the  road  was 
to  be  leased  to  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  at  yearly  rental  equal 
to  6%  on  the  purchase  price.  When  title  could  be  given, 
payment  was  to  be  made,  one-sixth  in  cash  and  the  remainder 
in  cash  or  in  Atlantic  &  Pacific  first  mortgage  bonds,  the 
bonds  as  well  as  rental  to  be  guaranteed  iointly  by  the  At- 
chison and  Frisco  Companies. 

By  the  second  instrument,  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  secured 
trackage  and  traffic  rights  between  Mojave  and  San  Fran- 
cisco Bay,  together  with  terminal  facilities  in  Oakland  and 
San  Francisco.  On  twelve  months'  notice  at  its  own  option 
the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  could  make  use  of  this  privilege  and 
run  its  trains  between  Mojave  and  San  Francisco  by  paying 
an  annual  rental  of  $1200  per  mile;  and  its  rights  under 
this  agreement  were  to  pass  to  the  Atchison  and  the  St.  Louis 
Companies,  or  to  either  in  case  one  of  them  should  succeed 
to  the  rights  of  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  under  the  contract  of 
purchase  and  lease  of  the  road  from  Needles  to  Mojave. 

Thirdly,  it  was  agreed  that  the  Atchison  and  St.  Louis 
Companies  buy  of  the  Southern  Pacific  through  its  sub- 
sidiary, the  Pacific  Improvement  Company,  Atlantic  &  Pa- 
cific securities  of  $3,096,768  par  value,  but  at  the  real  cost 
of  $1,524,356.46  the  price  actually  paid  for  the  securities. 
In  other  words,  the  Pacific  Improvement  Company  was  the 
corporation  which  the  Southern  Pacific  had  organized  to 
build  the  Mojave  Division  and  through  this  subsidiary,  the 
parent  company  had  bought  Atlantic  &  Pacific  stocks  and 
bonds  worth  at  par  $3,096,768,  but  at  an  actual  selling  price 
of  $1,524,356.46.  Hence  as  a  partial  offset  for  these  con- 
cessions, Huntington  unloaded  a  batch  of  undesirable  rail- 

*This  was  on  account  of  a  Southern  Pacific  mortgage  that  could 
not  be  discharged  until  1905. 


840  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

road  securities  upon  the  Santa  Fe  and  Frisco  Companies. 

The  fourth  and  last  instrument  simply  amended  the  tri- 
partite agreement  of  1880  by  explaining  clauses  of  doubtful 
meaning  and  adding  others,  so  adapting  the  agreement  to  an 
altered  state  of  facts  as  to  carry  out  its  object  and  original 
purpose. 

This  arrangement  with  its  terms  of  purchase  became 
operative  October  1st,  1884,  on  which  date  the  Mojave  Di- 
vision was  taken  over  by  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific,  whence  it  was 
eventually  to  become  an  integral  part  of  the  Atchison,  To- 
peka  &  Santa  Fe  system. 

While  gratified  in  having  at  last  secured  a  line  into  Cali- 
fornia, the  Santa  Fe  management  wisely  believed  that  the 
purchase  of  the  Mojave  Division  would  depend  for  success 
upon  an  independent  connection  with  the  Pacific  Coast,  an 
outlet  that  could  not  be  impaired  or  interrupted  by  the 
Southern  Pacific.  It  was  first  determined  to  build  a  branch 
from  some  convenient  point  on  the  line  between  the  Needles 
and  Mojave  to  San  Bernardino,  where  a  junction  would  be 
made  with  the  California  Southern,  a  local  railroad  that  had 
made  considerable  development  and  the  possession  of  which 
was  to  give  the  Santa  Fe  a  strong  position  in  Southern 
California.  The  California  Southern  Railroad  Company 
was  chartered  October  12th,  1880,  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
structing a  line  from  National  City  at  the  lower  end  of  San 
Diego  Bay  to  San  Bernardino.  By  a  supplementary  char- 
ter, the  California  Southern  Extension  Railroad  Company 
was  then  incorporated,  May  23rd,  following,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  extending  the  California  Southern  to  form  a  connec- 
tion with  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  at  a  point  some  80  miles 
northeast  of  San  Bernardino.  At  that  time,  it  will  be  remem- 
bered, the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  was  projected  through  to  San 


Vigorous  Expansion  241 

Francisco,  and  the  Southern  Pacific  had  not  yet  interfered 
to  block  its  operations  at  the  Colorado  River. 

On  December  28th,  1881,  the  two  California  companies 
consolidated  under  the  name  of  the  California  Southern. 
Building  operations  moved  steadily.  The  road  was  opened 
from  National  City  to  Colton  on  August  21st,  1882,  and 
to  San  Bernardino  on  the  13th  of  September,  1883.  The 
arrangement  of  January,  1882,  whereby  the  Southern  Pa- 
cific kept  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  out  of  California  and  pro- 
ceeded to  build  its  own  line  from  the  Mojave  to  the  Needles 
was  a  serious  blow  to  the  California  Southern.  For  the  lat- 
ter road  had  been  constructed  by  Boston  capital;  it  was 
headed  by  T.  J.  Coolidge,  former  President  of  the  Atchison, 
Topeka  &  Santa  Fe,  and  its  management  if  not  partially 
identified  with  the  Santa  Fe  interests,  was  at  least  distinctly 
friendly.  To  get  out  of  its  isolation  the  California  Southern 
had  to  establish  a  connection  with  some  eastern  line  and  it 
naturally  had  anticipated  this  opportunity  when  the  Atlantic 
&  Pacific  was  extended  through  Southern  California.  But 
with  the  only  outlet  in  the  hands  of  the  unfriendly  Southern 
Pacific  the  Southern  would  have  been  compelled  to  build 
about  250  miles  across  the  desert  to  the  Colorado  instead  of 
relying  upon  an  80-mile  spur  to  Barstow  as  had  been  hoped. 
The  road  was  financially  unable  to  build  the  long  extension 
and  its  development  came  to  a  standstill.  In  the  winter  of 
1883-1884  a  flood  washed  out  about  30  miles  of  the  Califor- 
nia Southern  tracks  in  the  Temecula  Canon ;  even  the  bridges 
and  ties  were  carried  away.  The  road  now  found  itself  in 
trouble.  Its  finances  were  weak  and  to  repair  this  damage 
would  necessitate  a  relatively  heavy  outlay.  The  road  tra- 
versed a  region  at  that  time  but  slightly  developed  and  its 
revenues  were  small,    Since  \t  was  and  is  yet  the  only  railroad 


242  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

to  the  port  of  San  Diego,  a  good  volume  of  through  traffic 
might  be  had  if  only  an  eastern  outlet  could  be  obtained. 
But  the  Southern  Pacific  stood  in  the  way.  In  July,  1884, 
the  California  Southern  failed  to  pay  the  interest  on  $2,- 
784,000  of  its  first  mortgage  bonds.  That  same  month  a 
committee  of  the  stockholders  announced  in  a  circular  dated 
June  25th  that  while  $250,000  was  needed  to  repair  the  line, 
only  $114,500  had  been  raised.  It  looked  as  if  the  com- 
pany must  either  give  up  the  repairs,  which  was  equivalent  to 
abandoning  the  road,  or  else  make  contracts  for  renewing  the 
flood  damage  as  best  they  could.  In  the  latter  case  the  laws 
of  California  would  make  the  stockholders  personally  liable 
to  the  extent  of  their  holdings  in  case  the  Company  defaulted 
for  sums  due  on  such  contracts.  Matters  thus  stood  in  this 
perplexed  situation  when  the  Atchison-Frisco  Companies  se- 
cured control  of  the  Mojave  Division  in  August,  1884. 

The  Santa  Fe,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  seriously  con- 
templating the  construction  of  a  branch  west  from  the 
Needles,  as  it  felt  it  could  not  safely  depend  upon  the  South- 
ern Pacific  trackage  agreement  into  San  Francisco  for  a 
Pacific  Coast  outlet  in  California.  The  California  Southern 
people  now  proposed  that  their  road  be  extended  from  San 
Bernardino  to  the  newly  leased  or  purchased  Mojave  line, 
just  as  they  had  originally  planned.  They  offered  terms 
very  favorable,  both  to  the  Atchison  and  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  Companies.  It  was  proposed  first,  that  a  road  con- 
necting San  Bernardino  with  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  at  Bar- 
stow,  81  miles  distant,  be  constructed  as  a  part  of  the  Cali- 
fornia Southern.  To  that  end,  the  Southern  offered  to 
transfer  one-half  of  its  capital  stock  to  the  Atchison,  Topeka 
and  Santa  Fe  without  cost  to  the  latter.  It  was  further 
proposed  that  the  first  mortgage  bondholders  of  the  Cali- 
fornia Southern  surrender  their  bonds  in  exchange  for  in- 


Vigorous  Expansion  243 

come  bonds  and  that  a  new  mortgage  of  $10,000  per  mile 
be  placed  on  the  whole  Southern  road  of  210  miles.  From 
the  proceeds  thus  raised,  the  Barstow  extension  could  easily 
be  constructed  and  the  line  in  the  Temecula  Canon  replaced, 
leaving  the  $5,000,000  of  first  mortgage  California  Southern 
bonds  in  the  treasury  to  meet  fixed  charges  and  any  financial 
contingencies  that  might  arise  before  the  road  became  self- 
sustaining.  Since  the  owners  of  the  California  Southern 
were  nearly  unanimous  in  making  this  proposition  the  At- 
chison Company  accepted  the  offer,  which  was  promptly 
carried  into  effect.  Work  on  the  extension  and  the  general 
rehabilitation  of  the  Southern  began  at  once.  On  Novem- 
ber 9th,  1885,  the  line  was  completed  and  opened  for  busi- 
ness between  San  Bernardino,  and  the  Santa  Fe  had  secured 
its  long  sought  California  seaport,  at  San  Diego.  Mean- 
while, on  September  24th,  the  Santa  Fe  had  leased  a  free 
and  equal  use  of  the  Southern  Pacific  tracks  between  Colton 
and  Los  Angeles,  and  entrance  to  the  metropolis  of  Southern 
California  was  thus  secured  as  soon  as  through  service  was 
established  into  San  Diego. 

It  was  believed  by  the  Atchison  management  that  acquir- 
ing and  completing  the  California  Southern  would  accom- 
plish two  things:  First,  it  would  enable  the  Atlantic  & 
Pacific  to  command  a  considerable  portion  of  the  fast  in- 
creasing business  of  Southern  California  and  it  would  give 
the  Atchison  a  whip-hand  over  the  Southern  Pacific  in  Cali- 
fornia. If  "existing  arrangements"  were  disturbed  by  the 
Southern  Pacific,  the  Santa  Fe  purposed  to  put  on  a  line  of 
coast-wise  steamers  between  San  Diego  and  San  Francisco, 
thereby  insuring  to  itself  a  reasonable  share  of  the  Cali- 
fornia business,  regardless  of  Huntington.  An  outlet  on  San 
Diego  Bay  was  of  great  potential  importance.  And  sec- 
ondly, President  Strong  rejoiced  that  in  thus  securing  a 


244  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

foothold  in  Southern  California  his  Company  could  now 
say  with  absolute  certainty  that  in  making  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  railroad  a  through  line  to  the  Pacific  Coast,  the  At- 
chison, Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  had  performed  every  legal 
contract  and  kept  good  faith  with  the  public  in  redeeming 
its  promises.  But  in  still  other  ways  did  possession  of  the 
California  Southern  add  to  the  power  and  importance  of  the 
Santa  Fe  railroad  system.  With  a  main  line  now  more 
than  1,900  miles  in  length,  extending  from  the  Missouri  River 
to  San  Diego  Bay,  together  with  a  secondary  outlet  on  the 
Gulf  of  California  the  general  position  of  the  Santa  Fe 
was  greatly  strengthened.  And  again,  the  Santa  Fe  at  once 
became  an  important  factor  in  the  wonderful  development 
of  Southern  California,  which  region  has  for  years  been 
contributing  a  vast  and  increasing  amount  of  through  traf- 
fic worth  millions  of  dollars  annually.  Getting  into  Southern 
California  was  a  significant  event  in  the  history  of  the  At- 
chison, Topeka  and  Santa  Fe. 

All  this  expansion  was  in  exact  conformity  with  the  vigor- 
ous policies  of  President  Strong,  which  he  summarized  in 
his  annual  report  for  1884  in  these  three  sentences:  "A 
railroad  to  be  successful  must  also  be  a  progressive  institu- 
tion. It  cannot  stand  still,  if  it  would.  If  it  fails  to  ad- 
vance, it  must  inevitably  go  backward  and  lose  ground  al- 
ready occupied."  At  the  end  of  the  year  1878  the  Santa 
Fe  lines  comprised  only  868  miles  with  gross  earnings  less 
than  $4,000,000  and  net  earnings  less  than  $2,000,000.  It 
had  a  funded  debt  of  $4,175,000  with  $8,615,000  of  stock 
outstanding,  which  stock  paid  no  dividends.  Six  years  later, 
under  the  guidance  of  William  B.  Strong,  the  Santa  Fe  owned 
or  controlled  about  3,600  miles  of  railroad  with  gross  earn- 
ings of  nearly  $16,300,000  and  net  earnings  of  about  $7,- 
315,000.    In  1884  the  Company  represented  a  corporate  in- 


Vigorous  Expansion  245 

vestment  of  more  than  $103,000,000— about  $46,000,000 
in  bonds  and  $57,000,000  in  stocks,  which  stocks  now  paid 
annual  dividends  of  6%.  There  were  several  reasons  for 
this  great  prosperity  and  progress.  The  road  was  prudently 
financed  and  carefully  managed.  On  about  2,800  miles  of  the 
Santa  Fe  lines  proper  the  total  capitalization  was  only 
$38,576  per  mile  at  the  end  of  1884.  The  Company  had 
excellent  credit  and  could  borrow  money  at  low  rates  of 
interest.  The  main  line  had  been  laid  out  with  shrewd  fore- 
sight in  that  it  traversed  for  much  of  its  length  the  fertile 
valleys  of  the  Arkansas  and  Rio  Grande  Rivers.  The  dis- 
posal of  the  Company  lands  and  the  colonizing  efforts  of 
the  Company  had  been  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the 
prosperity  and  growth  of  the  railroad.  And  finally  it  was 
to  the  wonderful  fertility  of  the  Kansas  prairies,  which  sys- 
tematic colonizing  and  the  building  of  branch  lines  developed 
into  farm  lands  that  made  and  will  always  continue  to  make 
the  Santa  Fe  one  of  the  greatest  railroads  of  the  country. 
The  invasion  of  Texas  was  now  to  begin  from  two  directions. 
By  an  Act  of  Congress,  approved  July  4th,  1884,  the 
Southern  Kansas  Railway  Company  had  been  granted  the 
right  to  locate,  construct,  own,  equip,  and  operate  a  rail- 
way, telegraph  and  telephone  line  through  the  Indian  Terri- 
tory, beginning  at  a  point  on  the  northern  boundary  of 
the  Territory  where  an  extension  of  the  Southern  Kansas 
railroad  from  Winfield  in  a  southerly  direction  would  strike 
the  Territorial  line,  and  thence  running  south  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Dennison,  Texas,  by  the  most  practicable  route,  to 
a  point  near  the  junction  of  the  Washita  and  Red  Rivers. 
The  Act  also  authorized  the  construction  of  and  equipment 
of  a  branch  line  from  a  point  at  or  near  where  the  main  line 
should  cross  the  Territorial  border,  the  branch  to  run  west- 
erly along  or  near  the  northern  boundary  to  a  point  at  or 


246  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

near  where  Medicine  Lodge  Creek  crosses  the  border  of  the 
Territory  and  thence  in  a  southwesterly  direction,  crossing 
Beaver  Creek,  at  or  near  Camp  Supply  and  reaching  the 
west  boundary  of  Indian  Territory  at  or  near  its  inter- 
section with  Wolf  Creek.  These  respective  routes  are  now 
followed  rather  closely  by  two  Santa  Fe  main  lines :  the  for- 
mer extending  through  Central  Oklahoma  and  Texas  to  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico;  and  the  latter  running  across  northwest 
Oklahoma  and  the  Texas  Panhandle  to  connect  with  the 
original  transcontinental  main  line  near  Albuquerque,  New 
Mexico. 

The  Congressional  Act  conferred  no  special  favors.  The 
railroad  company  was  merely  given  the  privilege  to  con- 
struct its  line,  with  a  right-of-way  100  feet  in  width  and 
with  an  additional  strip  200  feet  long  and  3000  feet  in 
length  every  ten  miles  for  stations.  Wherever  the  right-of- 
way  and  station  grounds  lay  within  the  limits  of  lands 
owned  by  individual  Indians,  the  Company  must  make  full 
compensation  to  the  owners  for  land  thus  appropriated, 
before  the  line  could  be  built.  The  new  road  might  be  taxed 
according  to  the  will  of  Congress  or  the  laws  of  any  Terri- 
tory or  State  henceforth  to  be  formed  in  that  region.  Its 
freight  rates  could  not  exceed  those  authorized  by  the  laws 
of  Kansas  and  it  could  transport  passengers  at  a  rate  not 
exceeding  three  cents  per  mile.  The  Company  might  locate 
its  line  immediately  after  the  act  was  passed.  At  least  100 
miles  of  the  railroad  must  be  built  in  the  Territory  within 
three  years  after  the  passage  of  the  act  or  the  grant  would 
be  forfeited  as  to  all  portions  of  the  line  not  built. 

Acting  under  the  provisions  of  this  law  the  Company  by 
the  close  of  1885  had  located  over  350  miles,  which  included 
the  main  line  running  south  from  Arkansas  City  and  the 
branch  extending  southwest  from  Kiowa,  Kansas.     To  fa- 


Vigorous  Expansion  247 

cilitate  work  on  the  latter  extension,  a  spur  was  built  from 
Attica  to  Kiowa  on  the  state  boundary  about  22  miles, 
which  road  was  opened  January  11th,  1886.  To  finance 
the  construction  and  equipment  of  this  350  miles  or  more 
of  railroad  it  was  decided  to  issue  first  mortgage  5%  40- 
year  gold  bonds  of  the  Southern  Kansas  Railway  Company 
at  the  rate  of  $16,000  per  mile  on  the  road  and  rolling 
stock  with  additional  provision  for  an  issue  of  income  bonds 
at  the  rate  of  $4,000  per  mile  if  needed.  It  was  soon  de- 
cided to  build  about  150  miles  south  from  Arkansas  City  and 
connect  with  the  Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe,  a  Texas  rail- 
road that  was  building  northward.  From  Kiowa  the  road 
was  definitely  projected  southwesterly  across  Indian  Terri- 
tory into  the  heart  of  the  cattle  country  in  the  Texas  Pan- 
handle. In  1886  construction  was  accordingly  begun  from 
Arkansas  City  and  Kiowa,  69  miles  being  finished  that  year. 
Being  now  well  under  way  the  work  was  rushed  to  completion. 
Building  south,  the  road  was  completed  154  miles  to  an  in- 
tersection with  the  Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe  on  April 
26th  and  turned  over  to  the  operating  department,  June 
12th,  1887.  From  Kiowa  the  line  was  finished  116  miles  to 
the  west  boundary  of  Indian  Territory  on  September  12th. 
Pushing  on  into  Texas  about  100  miles  farther  the  road 
reached  Panhandle  City  at  the  close  of  the  year.  Strong 
had  acted  decisively  under  the  provisions  of  the  Congression- 
al Act  of  1884.  Within  a  little  more  than  three  years  after 
the  Act  was  passed  he  had  driven  two  roads  south  and  south- 
west from  the  Kansas  border  for  a  total  distance  of  370 
miles  of  which  mileage  about  300  was  constructed  in  1887. 
Meanwhile  another  acquisition  of  the  greatest  importance 
had  been  made.  In  May,  1886,  the  Atchison  Company  pur- 
chased the  Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe  Railroad,  which  as 
mentioned  had  been  building  northward  to  meet  the  Southern 


248  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Kansas  extension  in  Indian  Territory.  This  purchase  added 
several  hundred  miles  to  the  Santa  Fe  system,  which  was 
now  expanding  at  a  marvelous  rate. 

The  Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe  Railway  Company  was 
chartered  under  the  laws  of  Texas,  May  28th,  1873.  The 
road  is  said  to  have  come  into  existence  as  the  result  of  a 
town  row  between  Galveston  and  Houston.  A  story  runs  to 
the  effect  that  back  in  the  Sixties  when  there  were  but  few 
railroads  in  Texas,  these  towns  were  connected  by  only  a 
single  line,  the  Galveston,  Houston  &  Henderson.  During 
the  late  Sixties  and  early  Seventies  a  mild  epidemic  of  yellow 
fever  is  reported  to  have  occurred  each  summer  along  the 
coast  of  Texas.  The  story  further  goes  on  to  say  that 
whenever  it  was  rumored  that  the  fever  had  reappeared,  the 
business  interests  of  Houston  would  promptly  get  a  quaran- 
tine declared  upon  all  passenger  and  freight  traffic  from 
Galveston  to  their  city.  This  action  of  course  prevented 
Galveston  merchants  from  selling  goods  up-state,  leaving 
practically  all  of  eastern  Texas  for  the  wholesalers  of  Hous- 
ton. It  was  to  avoid  this  unprofitable  situation  in  which 
a  rival  town  was  getting  more  than  its  share  of  business, 
that  the  business  men  of  Galveston  are  said  to  have  incor- 
porated the  Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe  Company.  It  was 
planned  to  construct  the  railroad  north  and  west  from  Gal- 
veston with  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  as  a  final  goal.  Whether 
or  not  the  literal  details  of  this  tale  are  true,  they  are  not 
improbable.  And  the  railroad  was  promoted,  financed  and, 
until  sold  to  the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe,  it  was  oper- 
ated mainly  by  Galveston  citizens.  Likewise  it  was  built 
north  and  west  from  Galveston  for  more  than  200  miles  in 
the  direction  of  Santa  Fe. 

The  Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe  railroad  actually  started 
building  in  May,  1875.     Being  financed,  it  seems,  wholly 


Vigorous  Expansion  249 

by  local  interests,  progress  was  at  first  slow.  Not  until 
1877  did  the  main  line  reach  Areola  from  Galveston,  43 
miles ;  it  took  about  a  year  longer  to  build  into  Richmond, 
21  miles  farther.  On  the  15th  of  April,  1879,  the  road  was 
sold  under  foreclosure,  under  a  trust  deed  for  $250,000, 
which  had  been  given  to  secure  a  loan.  The  property  was 
bought  by  a  George  Sealy,  trustee  under  the  deed;  Sealy 
acted  for  a  syndicate  of  Galveston  merchants  who  had  made 
the  loan.  At  the  time  of  this  sale  notice  was  given  that  a 
contract  had  been  made  for  extending  the  railroad,  prac- 
tically all  of  the  stock  of  which  was  still  owned  in  Galveston 
County.  In  the  Act  incorporating  the  Gulf,  Colorado  & 
Santa  Fe,  the  State  of  Texas  had  entitled  the  Company  to 
a  land  grant  of  16  sections  5  for  each  mile  of  road  built. 
In  the  autumn  of  1879  some  difficulty  arose.  A  freshet 
carried  away  the  bridge  over  the  Brazos  River  and  the 
Governor  of  the  State  refused  to  grant  land  certificates  on 
the  ground  that  there  was  not  a  continuous  line  of  railroad 
as  required  by  law.  The  Company  engineers,  however,  soon 
replaced  the  bridge,  after  which  the  lands  seem  to  have  been 
duly  awarded  as  earned. 

The  reorganized  Company  completed  the  line  to  Brenham, 
126  miles,  on  August  1st,  1880;  and  to  Belton,  about  220 
miles  from  Galveston,  in  the  month  of  February,  1881.  A 
branch  to  Fort  Worth,  128  miles,  was  completed  and  ready 
for  business  December  8th,  1881.  On  the  15th  of  May  fol- 
lowing another  branch,  56  miles  in  length,  had  been  finished 
to  Lampasas.  The  Eastern  branch,  which  had  been  the 
Central  and  Montgomery  Railroad,  was  purchased  and  put 
into  operation  June  15th,  1882.  During  the  years  1883- 
1884,  the  Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe  built  or  acquired  and 
placed  in  operation  106  miles  of  railroad.     This  expansion 

*  Of  640  acres  each. 


250  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

included  £.  line  of  54  miles  from  Cleburne  to  Dallas — origi- 
nally a  small  local  road  called  the  Chicago,  Texas  &  Mexi- 
can Central — acquired  and  opened  August  1st,  1882.  Also 
a  £4-mile  branch  was  opened  from  Avlin  to  Houston  on 
May  1st,  1883,  and  another  from  Somerville,  28  miles  east- 
ward to  Navasota,  opened  a  month  later.  In  1885  the  Com- 
pany opened  89  miles  more  of  new  road;  71  miles  of  main 
line  northwest  to  Brownwood,  and  18  miles  from  Mont- 
gomery to  Conroe. 

On  the  same  date  when  Congress  granted  to  the  Southern 
Kansas  Railway  the  right  of  building  from  Kansas  through 
Indian  Territory  a  similar  Act  was  passed  granting  to  the 
Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe  the  right  to  locate,  construct, 
equip  and  operate  a  railway,  telegraph  and  telephone  line 
at  a  point  to  be  selected  by  the  Company  on  the  Red  River 
north  of  the  northern  boundary  of  Cook  County,  Texas,  and 
running  "by  the  most  practicable  route"  through  the  Indian 
Territory  to  a  point  on  the  southern  boundary  of  Kansas. 
When  in  April,  1886,  it  became  rumored  that  the  Atchison 
contemplated  the  purchase  of  the  Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa 
Fe  and  the  creation  of  a  through  main  line  from  Kansas 
City  to  Galveston,  the  citizens  of  Fort  Worth  on  April  13th 
held  a  large  meeting  at  which  $30,000  was  subscribed  and 
a  right-of-way  guaranteed  to  aid  the  enterprise.  On  or 
about  the  16th  of  April  engineers  began  to  survey  the  new 
route  north  from  their  city  and  within  a  little  more  than 
a  year  as  indicated,  connection  was  made  with  the  Southern 
Kansas  at  what  now  is  Purcell,  Oklahoma,  about  172  miles 
north  of  Fort  Worth. 

The  Atchison  Company  purchased  the  Gulf,  Colorado  & 
Santa  Fe  through  an  agreement  made  on  date  of  March 
3rd,  1886,  supplemented  by  an  additional  agreement  con- 
cluded the  30th  of  the  same  month.    The  purchase  was  offi- 


Vigorous  Expansion  251 

cially  announced  by  President  Strong  on  May  15th  in  a 
circular  addressed  to  the  Santa  Fe  stockholders.  At  this 
time  the  Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe  comprised  about  1,000 
miles  of  lines  completed  or  in  process  of  construction,  of 
which  about  670  miles  were  in  actual  operation.  This  mile- 
age included  a  main  line  from  Galveston  to  Fort  Worth 
with  branches  from  Cleburne  to  Dallas;  from  Temple  to 
Coleman,  and  from  Somerville  to  Conroe,  together  with  one 
or  two  minor  branches.  These  lines  traversed  a  region  for 
the  most  part  well-settled,  and  which  was  devoted  chiefly  to 
cattle-raising  and  farming.  Here  and  there  they  touched 
some  good  tracts  of  timber.  Besides  providing  for  the 
construction  of  the  road  north  from  Fort  Worth  into  Indian 
Territory,  the  agreement  of  purchase  stipulated  that  the 
branch  from  Cleburne  to  Dallas  be  extended  100  miles  north- 
east to  Paris,  Texas,  where  a  connection  would  be  made 
with  the  St.  Louis  &  San  Francisco,  which  was  building  its 
St.  Louis  line  southwest  into  Texas. 

The  sale  was  made  on  the  basis  of  1,000  miles  of  lines 
built  or  to  be  built.  For  the  Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe, 
therefore,  the  Atchison  Company  gave  its  stock  at  par  in 
exchange  for  the  stock  issued  or  to  be  issued  by  the  Gulf 
Company  and  at  the  rate  of  $8,000  per  mile.  Thus  the 
purchase  price  was  $8,000,000,  which  was  the  authorized 
capital  of  the  Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe.  In  addition  to 
this  payment  of  $8,000,000  of  its  stock,  the  Santa  Fe  as- 
sumed the  bonded  debt  of  the  Gulf  road  which  was  bonded 
at  the  rate  of  $17,000  per  mile,  comprising  a  first  mortgage 
of  $12,000  and  a  second  mortgage  of  $5,000  for  each  mile 
of  main  track. 

Thus  for  $25,000  per  mile  the  Atchison  Company  pur- 
chased a  railroad  system  that  crossed  the  great  state  of 
Texas,  with  extensive  feeder  lines  already  in  operation.  With 


252  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

this  purchase  the  Santa  Fe  acquired  a  commanding  position 
in  Texas  and  a  new  main  line  from  Kansas  to  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico.  It  secured  access  to  the  important  and  fast-grow- 
ing cities  of  Fort  Worth,  Dallas,  and  Houston;  and  it  se- 
cured at  Galveston,  one  of  the  greatest  seaports  in  the 
country,  an  invaluable  outlet  with  wharves  and  terminal  fa- 
cilities all  of  which  became  the  property  of  the  Atchison, 
Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  Company.  Already  a  line  of  steamers 
was  plying  between  New  York  and  Galveston,  through 
which  latter  port  Texas  was  then  receiving  most  of  her 
eastern  goods.  The  Santa  Fe  management  shrewdly  be- 
lieved that  this  ocean  traffic  would  benefit  Kansas  as  well 
as  strengthen  their  road's  connections.  It  would  open  a 
new  market  for  Kansas  products,  placing  that  state  on  a 
footing  with  California,  with  a  direct  line  to  a  seaport  of 
the  first  importance.  And  finally,  in  the  acquisition  of  the 
strategic  Gulf  route  the  position  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka 
&  Santa  Fe  was  safeguarded.  Quoting  President  Strong, 
"It  would  secure  to  the  Atchison  Company  independence  of 
any  attempt  of  rival  lines  to  close  the  doors  of  trade  against 
us  or  to  cripple  or  embarrass  our  business."  Incidentally 
it  was  believed  with  reason  that  the  traffic  of  the  new  line, 
which  would  be  exchanged  with  the  Santa  Fe  lines  in  Kan- 
sas and  Indian  Territory  would  be  profitable — enough  to 
pay  interest  on  the  Gulf  Company  bonds  and  dividends  on 
the  Atchison  stock  invested.  Likewise  the  Gulf,  Colorado 
and  Santa  Fe  property  was  bound  to  advance  in  value  each 
year.  Strong's  policy  of  vigorous  expansion  was  achieving 
large  results. 

Yet  this  expansion  was  not  confined  to  Texas  in  1886. 
Simultaneously  with  the  advance  across  Indian  Territory, 
the  invasion  of  Northern  Texas  and  the  acquisition  of  the 
Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe,  the  Atchison  Company  was  cov- 


Vigorous  Expansion  853 

ering  Kansas  with  branch  lines,  of  which  more  than  400 
miles  were  constructed  that  year.  In  the  month  of  Janu- 
ary the  Santa  Fe  stockholders  were  informed  that  the  rapid 
growth  of  Kansas  during  the  previous  two  years  had  made 
desirable  the  construction  of  new  lines  in  that  state,  so  lo- 
cated as  to  add  to  the  earnings  of  the  Company  and  to 
protect  its  interests  against  unfriendly  competition.  To 
that  end  certain  charters  recently  acquired  were  to  be  con- 
solidated into  a  single  corporation  under  the  title  of  Chicago, 
Kansas  &  Western  Railroad  Company.  The  new  lines  as 
planned  were  to  run  through  some  of  the  best  and  most  im- 
proved sections  of  Kansas  and  it  was  thought  that  they 
would  add  much  to  the  earnings  and  greatly  strengthen 
the  position  of  the  System.  That  is  to  say,  the  directors 
believed  that  the  construction  of  these  branches  would  create 
more  traffic  for  the  Santa  Fe  railroad  and  by  rendering  the 
Santa  Fe  system  more  compact  they  would  serve  to  prevent 
rival  companies  from  invading  Santa  Fe  "territory"  in 
Kansas.  When  completed,  the  Chicago,  Kansas  &  Western 
would  aggregate  450  miles  of  track.  The  road  was  to  be 
constructed  and  equipped  with  a  limited  amount  of  rolling 
stock  at  an  estimated  cost  of  $14,000  per  mile,6  or  for  a 
total  of  $6,300,000,  of  which  there  was  expected  about 
$700,000  of  local  aid  in  the  shape  of  county,  township  or 

•While  to-day  certain  theorists  contend  that  railroads  are  greatly 
overcapitalized,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  these  western  roads, 
while  built  at  a  nominal  initial  expense,  were  constructed  pretty  much 
in  the  "rough"  with  light  steel  or  iron  tracks  and  with  little  or  no  ballast. 
In  case  of  the  Santa  Fe,  millions  of  dollars  have  been  spent  bettering 
the  original  lines,  relaying  with  heavy  steel,  improving  the  road-bed, 
spreading  rock  ballast,  erecting  steel  and  concrete  bridges,  etc.  Also 
the  Western  roads,  as  has  been  shown  from  time  to  time,  have  developed 
the  country  through  which  they  pass  and  virtually  created  their  own 
traffic.  It  is  ridiculous  to  attempt  to  valuate  railroads  on  the  mere  basis 
of  reproducing  the  property. 


254  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

municipal  bonds.  It  was  planned  to  issue  Chicago,  Kansas 
&  Western  first  mortgage  5%  40-year  bonds  at  the  rate  of 
$14,000  per  mile ;  and  40-year  income  bonds  at  the  rate  of 
$7,000  per  mile,  the  interest  non-cumulative,  limited  to  6% 
and  dependent  wholly  upon  earnings.  The  capital  stock  of 
the  Company  was  limited  to  $10,000  per  mile,  including 
issues  to  towns  and  counties  in  exchange  for  their  bonds. 
This  stock  was  to  be  held  in  the  Company  treasury  as  an 
investment.  The  bonds  were  offered  to  the  Atchison  stock- 
holders on  the  basis  of  $1,000  in  firsts  and  $500  of  incomes 
for  each  $1,000  of  cash  subscribed.  By  way  of  protecting 
the  investors  the  Atchison  and  its  auxiliary,  the  Southern 
Kansas  Company,  agreed  to  operate  the  new  lines  that  were 
to  connect  with  the  lines  of  the  Santa  Fe  system,  under 
favorable  leases  7  which  agreed  to  pro-rate  all  the  freight 
and  passenger  business  interchanged.  In  addition  it  was 
promised  to  pay  to  the  Chicago,  Kansas  &  Western  an  an- 
nual rebate  of  10%  on  its  gross  earnings  and  to  continue 
this  rebate  so  long  as  it  might  be  needed  to  help  pay  in  full 
the  interest  on  the  bonds  of  the  new  company.  Thus  care- 
fully organized  the  money  was  speedily  raised,  while  con- 
struction began  at  once  and  was  pushed  with  vigor.  Before 
the  end  of  the  year  about  402  miles  were  completed,  giving 
to  the  Atchison  Company  a  literal  network  of  railroads  in 
Kansas  with  a  total  of  about  £,400  miles  in  that  state. 

The  Chicago,  Kansas  &  Western  roads  constructed  in 
1886,  included  a  cut-off  line  84  miles  in  length  from  Hut- 
chinson to  Kinsley,  and  branches  or  extensions  from  Great 
Bend,  Little  River,  Independence,  Chanute,  Mulvane,  Colony, 
Osage  City,  Ellinor,  Larned,  and  Benedict.  Moreover,  the 
Florence,  El  Dorado  &  Walnut  Valley  had  been  extended 

'As  has  been  shown  frequently,  this  of  course  was  merely  a  step  to- 
ward the  formal  acquisition  of  the  Chicago,  Kansas  &  Western. 


Vigorous  Expansion  255 

about  19  and  the  Howard  Branch  8  miles ;  while  additions  to 
the  Southern  Kansas  Railway  aggregated  about  90  miles.  A 
grand  total  of  508  miles  of  Santa  Fe  lines  were  constructed 
in  Kansas  and  Indian  Territory  that  year,  not  to  mention 
the  acquisition  of  the  Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe  which  was 
building  rapidly.  For  the  year  1886  the  Atchison,  Topeka 
&  Santa  Fe  expended  more  than  $7,650,000  in  building  new 
railroads  exclusive  of  the  $8,000,000  paid  for  the  Gulf  lines. 
At  the  close  of  1886  the  Company  owned  or  controlled 
4,431  miles  of  railroad  besides  the  Atlantic  &  Pacific  of 
918  miles  in  which  the  Santa  Fe,  though  nominally  but  a 
half  owner,  was  really  the  dominant  interest.  Backed  by 
the  confidence  of  his  directors,  with  vast  financial  resources 
at  his  command,  and  assisted  by  Mr.  Robinson  and  a  splen- 
did corps  of  engineers,  President  Strong  had  brought  into 
existence  a  great  railroad  which  was  as  yet  hemmed  in  on 
the  east  by  the  Missouri  River.  A  policy  of  aggressive  ex- 
pansion now  demanded  an  independent  eastern  outlet,  and 
as  the  year  drew  to  a  close  the  Company  was  organizing  its 
great  energies  for  a  master  achievement. 


CHAPTER  XI 

A  DREAM   FULFILLED 

ON  the  24th  of  January,  1887,  the  stock  markets  of 
Boston,  New  York,  and  London  announced  for  sale 
$15,000,000  first  mortgage  5%  gold  bonds  of  the  Chicago, 
Santa  Fe  and  California  Railway  Company.  These  bonds, 
which  were  to  run  50  years,  were  guaranteed  by  the  Atchison* 
Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  Railroad  Company,  and  were  secured 
by  a  first  mortgage  on  the  entire  new  road  as  projected, 
excepting  about  100  miles  of  existing  road  on  which  there 
was  a  prior  lien  of  $1,500,000.  As  a  consideration  for  this 
guarantee,  the  Atchison  was  to  receive  the  entire  $30,000,- 
000  stock  issue  of  the  Chicago,  Santa  Fe  &  California, 
thereby  gaining  control  through  a  direct  ownership  of  two- 
thirds  of  its  authorized  capital. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1887  the  Santa  Fe  system 
included  through  direct  ownership,  joint  interest  or  control 
about  5,350  miles  of  railway  with  the  Missouri  River  as  an 
eastern  terminus.  Having  obtained  an  outlet  to  the  Pacific 
Coast  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  securing  of  a  satisfactory, 
eastern  terminal  soon  became  a  fixed  problem,  which  Presi- 
dent Strong  was  not  long  in  solving.  Over  its  extensive 
mileage  the  Santa  Fe  Company  was  creating  and  handling 
an  enormous  traffic,  which  justly  demanded  an  eastern  out- 
let beyond  the  Missouri.  Toward  the  close  of  the  year  1886 
the  directors  unanimously  decided  that  the  interests  of  their 
Company  required  the  absolute  control  of  an  independent 

256 


A  Bream  Fulfilled  257 

line  to  Chicago.  The  natural  growth  of  the  road  had  been 
west  and  south  and  so  long  as  the  lines  of  competing  rail- 
roads had  ended  on  the  Missouri  River,  the  management 
were  content  to  accept  that  river  as  the  dividing  line  for 
traffic  between  the  Santa  Fe  and  Eastern  roads.  But  now 
some  of  the  lines  east  of  the  Missouri  had  become  aggressive 
and  had  invaded  or  were  about  to  invade  Santa  Fe  territory 
in  spite  of  that  Company's  efforts  to  solidify  its  system  of 
lines  in  Kansas.  Building  across  northeastern  Kansas,  the 
Burlington  had  extended  its  main  line  to  Denver.  The  Mis- 
souri Pacific  and  the  Rock  Island  had  started  operations 
in  Kansas  and  besides  building  extensive  branches,  both  these 
companies  were  soon  to  cross  the  state  and  enter  Colorado. 
All  this  activity  was  lawful  competition,  yet  such  an  un- 
precedented invasion  of  Santa  Fe  territory  by  eastern  lines 
to  whom  the  Santa  Fe  hitherto  had  delivered  its  east-bound 
traffic  at  the  Missouri  River  simply  meant  a  division  of  the 
Atchison's  business,  which  business  that  Company  had 
sought  through  the  construction  of  an  elaborate  system  of 
extensions  and  feeder  lines  to  protect.  In  view  of  its  vast 
interests  and  far-reaching  mileage  such  an  invasion  would 
simply  place  the  Santa  Fe  in  an  inferior  position  as  to  the 
making  of  rates.  And  since  the  Company  had  a  number  of 
new  lines  as  yet  unproductive,  it  must  safeguard  its  busi- 
ness to  meet  its  heavy  interest  obligations. 

Vigorous  action  was  necessary.  The  easiest  method  for 
solving  these  potential  difficulties  was  to  make  traffic  agree- 
ments with  the  invading  companies.  But  the  directors  be- 
lieved that  a  traffic  agreement  was  at  best  uncertain  and 
unsatisfactory.  Such  an  agreement,  it  was  held,  generally 
fell  into  neglect  or  became  odious,  and  only  so  long  as  each 
party  had  equal  powers  to  enforce  it,  was  a  traffic  arrange- 
ment safe.    A  temporary  makeshift  arrangement  was  worse 


258  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

than  useless.  And  traffic  agreements  to  protect  the  interests 
of  the  Atchison  Company  must  be  permanent ;  yet  no  amount 
of  experience  or  skill  could  provide  for  future  contingencies 
that  were  likely  to  arise.  The  history  of  such  contracts 
showed  that  they  were  effective  only  so  long  as  it  was  the 
interest  of  the  parties  concerned  to  make  them  so ;  and  they 
were  generally  broken  as  soon  as  they  became  burdensome 
to  either  party.  Moreover,  it  was  extremely  doubtful  that 
a  traffic  agreement,  however  drawn,  could  be  enforced  against 
the  member  breaking  it,  since  the  law  looked  with  disfavor 
upon  such  contracts,  holding  them  contrary  to  the  public 
interest,  which  interest  naturally  demanded  the  utmost  free- 
dom of  action  on  the  part  of  transportation  companies. 

Not  to  mention  these  important  considerations  the  exten- 
sive Santa  Fe  mileage  with  its  heavy  and  increasing  traffic 
converging  on  the  Missouri  would  make  a  Chicago  line  one  of 
much  value.  The  great  traffic  center  of  the  Middle  West, 
Chicago,  then  as  now,  was  the  great  central  market ;  it  was 
the  natural  source  of  supply  and  the  natural  market  for 
the  territory  served  by  the  Santa  Fe.  It  was  justly  held 
that  for  all  Santa  Fe  patrons  west  of  the  Missouri  River, 
Chicago  offered  attractions  to  shipper  and  to  traveler,  su- 
perior to  those  of  any  other  western  city.  For  Chicago  was 
not  merely  the  leading  central  market ;  it  was  the  great  cen- 
tral point  of  concentration  and  distribution  for  all  the  West, 
the  Great  Lakes,  Canada  and  the  East.  And  in  view  of  the 
wonderful  growth  of  the  Santa  Fe  railroad,  President 
Strong  declared,  that  "The  people  along  our  whole  system, 
above  all  other  things,  want  direct,  rapid,  and  unobstructed 
communication  with  Chicago,  with  only  one  carrier  to  deal 
with  in  the  entire  transaction;  and  they  will  patronize  the 
road  which  furnishes  it."  In  short,  Chicago  was  the  logical 
eastern  terminus   for  the   Santa   Fe   system.     A   Chicago 


A  Dream  Fulfilled  359 

extension  would  relieve  the  Atchison  Company  of  any  fur- 
ther dependence  upon  connections  at  the  Missouri  River  and 
make  it  independent  in  competing  for  all  business  to  and 
from  the  East  in  so  far  as  its  own  territory  was  concerned. 
Furthermore  such  an  extension  would  enable  the  Santa  Fe 
to  make  its  rates  over  its  own  lines  between  Chicago  and  the 
Pacific  Coast,  and  between  the  Great  Lakes  and  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  a  position  to  which  no  other  railroad  has  yet  at- 
tained. To  do  full  justice  to  its  traffic  requirements,  to 
protect  its  interests  by  making  itself  independent  of  destruc- 
tive competition,  and  to  fulfill  its  ambition  for  a  railroad 
that  would  extend  from  the  Lakes  to  the  Gulf  and  to  the 
Pacific  Coast,  the  Santa  Fe  must  then  strike  directly  from 
Kansas  City  to  Lake  Michigan,  and  under  the  indomitable 
leadership  of  William  B.  Strong,  the  dream  of  building  to 
Chicago  became  a  splendid  reality  in  the  year  1887. 

To  carry  out  this  project  the  Chicago,  Santa  Fe  and  Cali- 
fornia Railway  Company  was  incorporated  under  the  laws 
of  Illinois  on  December  3rd,  1886.  During  the  previous  year 
surveys  had  been  made  between  Kansas  City  and  Chicago 
under  the  nominal  direction  of  C.  F.  Morse  of  the  Kansas 
City  stock  yards.  At  the  outset  three  propositions  for  get- 
ting to  Chicago  had  presented  themselves.  One  plan  which 
was  advocated  by  Chief  Engineer  Albert  A.  Robinson  in- 
volved the  immediate  construction  of  an  air  line,  substan- 
tially the  same  as  the  present  route  from  Kansas  City  to 
the  Mississippi  River,  and  thence  running  into  Chicago  on  a 
course  nearly  parallel  with  the  Burlington  railroad.  Such 
a  route  would  have  been  considerably  shorter  than  the  line 
actually  in  use  to-day.  Another  plan  proposed  was  to  buy 
the  Chicago  &  Alton  Railway,  which  would  have  given  the 
Santa  Fe  access  to  St.  Louis  as  well  as  to  Chicago.  But  the 
Alton  Company,  it  is  said,  wanted  $38,000,000  for  their 


860  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

road  and  the  dominant  interests  in  the  Santa  Fe  directorate 
thought  this  price  too  high,  so  the  Alton  plan  was  dropped. 

A  third  proposition  aimed  to  construct  only  as  much  of  a 
direct  line  as  was  necessary  and  to  purchase  such  minor  lines 
as  could  be  used  to  advantage.  This  was  the  plan  which 
finally  was  adopted.  With  a  compromise  policy  thus  agreed 
upon,  it  was  found  possible  to  reduce  the  amount  of  main 
line  about  100  miles  through  the  purchase  of  a  small  road 
leading  into  Chicago  from  Pekin,  Illinois.  Shortly  after  its 
incorporation,  in  December,  1886,  the  Chicago,  Santa  Fe 
&  California  Railway  Company  acquired  the  road  and  other 
properties  of  the  Chicago  &  St.  Louis  Railway  Company, 
which  extended  from  Chicago  to  Pekin,  about  154  miles,  in- 
cluding a  short  spur  from  Streator  to  Coalville.  By  the 
explicit  terms  of  its  charter  the  Chicago,  Santa  Fe  &  Cali- 
fornia was  authorized  to  build  an  extension  of  the  Chicago 
&  St.  Louis  line  from  Streator,  Illinois,  to  Fort  Madison, 
Iowa,  connecting  at  the  latter  place  with  the  Chicago,  Santa 
Fe  &  California  Railway  Company  of  Iowa,  which  in  turn 
was  to  be  joined  to  an  extension  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  & 
Santa  Fe  from  Kansas  City.  It  was  authorized,  further, 
to  construct  a  line  from  Pekin  to  Springfield,  Illinois. 

The  Chicago  &  St.  Louis  Railway  Company,  which  the 
Santa  Fe  absorbed,  was  known  originally  in  railway  circles 
as  the  "Hinckley  road."  This  line  was  first  chartered  as 
the  Chicago  &  Plainfield  Railroad  on  February  24th,  1859. 
Nothing  worth  while  seems  to  have  been  accomplished  until 
about  the  year  1869  when  Francis  E.  Hinckley,  a  Chicago 
promoter  associated  with  Philip  B.  Shumway  and  Colonel 
Ralph  Plumb,  became  interested  in  the  enterprise.  These 
gentlemen,  with  Hinckley  as  President,  and  some  of  their 
friends,  organized  the  Chicago,  Pekin  &  Southwestern  Rail- 
way, and  with  the  financial  backing  of  Moses  Taylor,  Presi- 


A  Dream  Fulfilled  261 

dent  of  the  National  City  Bank  of  New  York,  started  build- 
ing in  the  early  Seventies.  In  January,  1878,  the  road 
was  completed  from  Pekin  to  Streator,  about  64  miles  north- 
east in  the  direction  of  Chicago ;  and  in  1876  it  was  opened 
to  Mazon  Bridge  near  Coal  City,  Illinois,  about  30  miles 
farther.  Subsequently,  the  road  got  into  financial  troubles 
— the  usual  fate  of  small  railroads — and  in  May,  1881,  was 
sold  under  mortgage  foreclosure. 

On  May  10th,  1882,  the  Chicago,  St.  Louis  &  Western 
Railroad  Company  was  chartered  to  establish  a  line  from 
Chicago  to  Pekin,  a  distance  of  about  154  miles.  Construc- 
tion began  shortly  afterward  and  before  the  close  of  the  fol- 
lowing year  this  company  had  built  a  railroad  between  Coal 
City  and  Chicago.  On  the  1st  day  of  January,  1882,  the 
new  corporation  absorbed  the  Chicago,  Pekin  &  South- 
western with  all  the  latter's  property  and  effects.  A  year 
later  still  another  railway  company,  the  Chicago  &  St.  Louis, 
was  formed,  which  in  turn  took  over  the  property  of  the 
Chicago,  St.  Louis  &  Western  on  May  1st,  1885;  and  on 
the  21st  of  the  following  December  the  entire  Chicago  &  St. 
Louis  railroad  was  opened  for  traffic  from  Chicago  to  Pekin1 
only  to  pass  to  the  Chicago,  Santa  Fe  &  California  Railway 
Company  within  a  year. 

As  was  stated,  the  last  mentioned  company  had  $1,500,- 
000  outstanding  against  its  securities  in  the  form  of  a  prior 
lien  and  this  sum  represented  the  bonded  debt  of  the  Chicago 
&  St.  Louis  road,  which  obligation  the  Santa  Fe  naturally 
assumed  when  the  final  transfer  took  place.  The  Chicago 
&  St.  Louis  was  practically  without  terminal  facilities  in 
Chicago,  since  its  tracks  ended  at  an  old  frame  depot  on 
23rd   Street.      Furthermore,   having  been   strictly   a   pro- 

irrhe  road  was  still  under  the  presidency  of  F.  E.  Hinckley,  its'  chief 
promoter — hence  the  "Hinckley  road." 


262  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

moter's  road,  this  line  was  not  in  good  condition.  It  had 
numerous  heavy  grades  and  was  laid  with  inferior  rails, 
which,  together  with  a  defective  roadbed,  made  it  wholly 
inadequate  for  the  traffic  of  a  transcontinental  system. 

At  Kansas  City  the  terminal  situation  was  less  difficult. 
Already  as  was  pointed  out,  the  Santa  Fe  had  acquired  an 
interest  in  the  Kansas  City  Belt  Line  which  extended  east 
to  Big  Blue  Junction,  eight  miles  out.  The  final  problem 
of  getting  into  Chicago  therefore  was  reduced  to  the  con- 
struction of  350.6  miles  of  new  line  between  Big  Blue  Junc- 
tion, Missouri,  and  the  town  of  Ancona,  Illinois;  the  re- 
building of  about  100  miles  of  the  main  line  of  the  Chicago 
&  St.  Louis  railroad;  and  the  securing  of  terminal  rights 
and  facilities  in  Chicago.  This  plan  of  operation  also  neces- 
sitated the  construction  of  numerous  bridges,  together  with 
many  overhead  crossings.  In  the  matter  of  bridge  build- 
ing, the  Missouri  and  Mississippi  rivers  alone  furnished  a 
big  undertaking,  since  both  have  wide  channels,  while  the 
Missouri  is  one  of  the  most  treacherous  and  difficult  of  all 
streams  in  which  to  erect  piers.  No  unusual  problems  in 
roadbed  construction  were  presented  except  about  100  miles 
of  glacial  drift  between  Bucklin,  Missouri,  and  Fort  Madi- 
son, Iowa,  which  was  to  prove  heavy  work. 

With  the  inception  of  the  Chicago,  Santa  Fe  &  California 
Railway  Company  of  Illinois,  a  company  by  the  same  name 
had  been  chartered  in  Iowa  to  construct  a  railroad  from 
Fort  Madison,  about  16  miles  across  the  southeast  corner 
of  Iowa  and  through  northern  Missouri  to  connect  with  the 
Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  at  or  near  Kansas  City.  On 
the  15th  of  July,  1887,  this  Iowa  company  was  merged  with 
the  Chicago,  Santa  Fe  &  California  Railway  Company  of 
Illinois  and  operations  were  carried  to  completion  under  the 
latter  name. 


A  Dream  Fulfilled  268 

To  facilitate  the  work  of  bridging  the  Missouri  and  Mis- 
sissippi Rivers,  and  for  the  privilege  of  collecting  tolls  when 
the  structures  were  finished,  the  Sibley  Bridge  Company  and 
the  Mississippi  Railroad  &  Toll  Bridge  Company,  capitalized 
at  $1,000,000  and  $900,000,  respectively,  were  organized 
under  Federal  charters.  The  actual  capitalized  indebted- 
ness of  the  Sibley  Bridge  Company  represented  $850,000  of 
first  mortgage  bonds ;  while  that  of  the  Mississippi  River 
Railroad  &  Toll  Bridge  Company  was  $650,000  in  similar 
bonds.  The  securities  of  these  companies  were  owned  by  the 
Chicago,  Santa  Fe  &  California  Railway  Company,  which 
guaranteed  the  interest  on  the  bonds  as  a  rental  of  the 
bridges  when  finished. 

Having  organized  for  business,  the  task  of  putting  a  rail- 
road into  Chicago  was  thus  reduced  to  field  operations — to 
the  execution  of  plans  that  had  been  so  carefully  laid.  The 
president,  directors  and  the  attorneys  for  the  corporation 
had  perfected  their  organization.  It  was  now  left  for  the 
engineers  to  build  bridges  and  make  the  dirt  fly.  And  they 
did.  In  February,  1887,  President  Strong  ordered  Chief 
Engineer  Robinson  to  go  ahead,  to  push  the  line  through 
and  have  it  ready  for  operation  by  the  end  of  the  year.  This 
order  was  carried  literally  into  effect,  and  work  started  all 
along  the  line  with  tremendous  energy. 

The  grading  and  bridge  building  were  let  to  private  con- 
tractors, and  approximately  five  thousand  men  were  em- 
ployed along  the  entire  route.  This  force  was  increased 
later  by  about  two  thousand  railroad  track  and  structural 
workers.  The  organization  of  the  engineering  staff  and 
this  body  of  workmen  was  not  unlike  that  of  an  army.  Over 
the  entire  enterprise  with  headquarters  in  Topeka,  but  al- 
most continually  in  the  field,  was  Albert  A.  Robinson,  Chief 
Engineer.     In   charge  of  the  Eastern  Division   from  the 


264  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Mississippi  to  Chicago  was  P.  F.  Ban,  with  headquarters 
at  Fort  Madison.  The  so-called  Western  Division  between 
Big  Blue  Junction  and  the  Des  Moines  River  was  under  B. 
F.  Booker,  whose  offices  were  in  Kansas  City. 

Complete  harmony  prevailed  between  the  Santa  Fe  and 
the  various  competing  lines,  and  this  mutual  good-will  aided 
greatly  in  the  construction  work ;  for  it  thereby  became  pos- 
sible to  use  the  tracks  of  other  lines  for  assembling  supplies 
at  crossing  points.  At  Carrolton,  Missouri,  materials  were 
received  from  the  Wabash  and  Burlington  roads.  At  Buck- 
lin,  Missouri,  the  Burlington  tracks  were  again  used,  and 
similar  services  were  obtained  from  the  Northwest  line  of  the 
Wabash  at  La  Plata,  29  miles  east.  Still  farther  eastward, 
similar  trackage  facilities  were  obtained  as  follows:  At 
Hurdland,  with  the  Quincy,  Missouri  &  Pacific;  at  Medill, 
with  the  Keokuk  &  Western ;  at  Dallas  City  and  Galesburg, 
Illinois,  with  the  Burlington,  and  at  Chillicothe,  Illinois,  with 
the  Rock  Island.  These  respective  stations  range  from 
thirteen  to  forty-eight  miles  apart,  and  it  was  the  policy  of 
the  Santa  Fe  engineers  to  converge  at  one  place  enough 
track  materials  and  supplies  with  which  to  meet  the  construc- 
tion gangs  building  from  the  next  point,  this  scheme  making 
it  possible  to  hurry  the  work  along  the  entire  route  at  the 
same  time.  The  whole  course  of  operations  was  thus  divided 
into  so  many  construction  divisions  at  the  ends  of  which 
the  various  gangs  of  men  were  continually  working  toward 
each  other  to  close  the  intervening  space.  Splendid  progress 
was  made,  the  track  being  put  down  at  the  rate  of  four 
miles  a  day.  The  last  gap  was  closed  at  a  point  not  far 
from  Medill,  Missouri,  on  December  31st,  1887,  at  6  o'clock 
in  the  evening.  But  as  winter  had  now  set  in,  it  was  de- 
cided not  to  open  the  line  for  regular  through  traffic  until 
spring. 


A  Dream  Fulfilled  265 

Coincident  with  the  general  work  of  construction  and  in 
accordance  with  the  plans  adopted,  the  Chicago  &  St.  Louis 
road  was  rebuilt.  Not  only  was  heavier  steel  put  down,  but 
the  maximum  grades  were  reduced  from  six-tenths  to  three- 
tenths  per  cent.,  or  from  thirty-two  to  sixteen  feet  per  mile, 
thus  making  a  railroad  fit  for  heavy  traffic. 

Building  the  Santa  Fe  to  Chicago  required  the  construc- 
tion of  five  large  bridges ;  2  those  spanning  the  Illinois,  Missis- 
sippi, Des  Moines,  Grand,  and  Missouri  Rivers.  References 
will  be  made  only  to  their  general  dimensions,  together  with 
a  brief  discussion  of  the  Sibley  bridge,  the  largest  and  most 
representative  of  the  list.  The  Illinois  River  bridge  had  a 
total  length  of  14,175  feet,  comprising  a  channel  structure 
of  752  feet  with  three  150  foot  spans  and  one  of  302  feet. 
The  approaches  aggregated  more  than  200  yards.  The 
Fort  Madison  bridge  erected  over  the  Mississippi  River  was 
authorized  by  Congress  in  an  Act  approved  March  3rd, 
1887.  Commenced  that  same  month,  the  bridge  was  prac- 
tically completed  December  7th,  1887,  at  a  bare  initial 
cost  of  over  $580,000.  It  had  an  extreme  length  of  2,963 
feet,  consisting  of  eight  spans  and  an  east  approach  of 
about  350  yards.  The  channel  structure  comprised  four 
spans  each  237%  feet,  one  of  275  and  two  of  150  feet, 
and  one  draw  span  400  feet  long.  The  approach  had 
seventy-four  14-foot  spans.  The  Des  Moines  River  bridge 
was  900  feet  in  length,  while  the  structure  crossing  the 
Grand  River  was  459  feet  in  the  clear. 

The  Sibley  bridge  deserves  special  mention  because  the 
shifting  course  and  peculiar  geological  conditions  of  the  Mis- 
souri River  bed  presented  serious  engineering  problems.  This 
structure  is  probably  the  most  imposing  bridge  of  the  Santa 

"Not  to  mention  a  large  number  of  small  structures  and  overhead 
crossings. 


ft66  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Fe  system.  It  was  built  under  an  Act  of  Congress  which 
became  a  law  July  3rd,  1884,  granting  to  the  Kansas  City, 
Topeka  &  Western  Railroad  Company,3  its  assigns  and  suc- 
cessors the  right  to  build  and  maintain  a  railroad  bridge  4 
with  approaches  thereto  over  the  Missouri  River  at  or  near 
Sibley  in  Jackson  County,  Missouri.  The  Company  was 
given  an  alternative  of  building  either  a  low  bridge  with 
spans  not  less  than  160  feet  in  the  clear,  or  a  high  bridge 
with  spans  at  least  300  feet  in  the  clear,  the  lowest  part  of 
the  super-structure  in  the  latter  case  to  be  at  least  50  feet 
above  high  water  mark.  With  the  organization  of  the  Chi- 
cago, Santa  Fe  &  California  Railway  Company  these  rights 
were  transferred  to  the  Sibley  Bridge  Company,  with  Albert 
A.  Robinson,  chief  engineer,  and  Octave  Chanute  as  con- 
sulting engineer  in  charge  of  the  enterprise.  Associated 
with  Mr.  Chanute  was  John  F.  Wallace,  resident  engineer, 
assisted  by  W.  G.  Breithaupt.  Although  a  low  bridge  had 
previously  been  favored,  it  was  at  last  decided  to  build  a 
high  bridge.  Through  careful  surveys  it  was  learned  that 
the  river  bed  had  shifted  about  1,800  feet  during  the  years 
1878  to  1886.  Under  such  circumstances  a  low  structure 
not  only  would  have  caused  heavy  expenditures  for  control- 
ling the  channel,  but  it  would  have  been  unfavorable  for 
navigation. 

Two  points  of  location,  the  upper,  known  as  Sibley  Point, 
and  the  lower,  called  Sibley  Reef,  were  considered  favorably 
as  a  site  for  the  bridge.    The  upper  point  was  in  the  general 

"This  will  be  remembered  as  the  corporation  whereby  the  Santa  Fe 
secured  entrance  to  Kansas  City  and  the  one  in  the  name  of  which  the 
Southern  Kansas  system  was  purchased. 

4  In  addition,  the  builders  were  empowered  to  provide  for  the  passage 
of  vehicles  and  foot  passengers  at  reasonable  rates  of  toll.  The  act  of 
1887,  authorizing  the  construction  of  the  Fort  Madison  bridge  over  the 
Mississippi,  was  substantially  the  same  in  its  main  provisions. 


A  Dream  Fulfilled  367 

direction  of  the  railroad  and  it  would  have  shortened  the 
route  about  one  mile,  yet  this  point  was  rejected  because 
it  was  located  at  the  upper  end  of  a  curve  in  the  river,  where 
the  channel  was  extremely  unstable  and  much  wider  than  at 
the  point  below.  The  lower  point,  or  Sibley  Reef,  although 
requiring  a  more  circuitous  route,  was  chosen  because  the 
channel  here  was  about  550  feet  narrower  than  at  Sibley 
Point.  The  location  of  the  site  selected  furthermore  of- 
fered bed-rock  ranging  from  42  to  47  feet  beneath  low  water, 
as  against  a  depth  of  but  30  to  40  feet  at  Sibley  Point.  Sib- 
ley Reef,  where  the  bridge  was  located,  derived  its  name  from 
a  reef  of  boulders  stretching  nearly  half  way  across  the 
river. 

The  bridge  rested  on  eight  piers  of  masonry,  for  the  erec- 
tion of  which  ground  was  first  broken  on  March  23d,  1887. 
These  substructures  were  finished  December  15th  of  the  same 
year.  The  work  of  building  the  iron  superstructure  was 
begun  on  the  viaduct  or  east  approach  July  25th,  1887,  and 
was  completed,  between  piers  No.  2  and  No.  3,  on  the  11th 
of  February,  1888.  Both  the  masonry  and  the  superstruc- 
ture of  the  bridge  were  let  to  private  contractors  and  in 
order  to  transport  the  necessary  materials  and  supplies,  a 
service  or  work  track  was  connected  with  the  Wabash  rail- 
road, three  miles  distant.  Work  proceeded  rapidly  from 
the  beginning  and  the  whole  structure  was  finished  in  quicker 
time  than  any  bridge  of  similar  size  that  had  as  yet  been 
put  across  the  Missouri  River. 

The  first  carload  of  material  for  the  superstructure 
reached  the  bridge  site  July  5th,  1887,  and  the  first  tower 
for  the  erection  of  the  viaduct  or  east  approach  was  raised 
on  July  25th.  Operations  were  hurried  throughout  the  late 
summer  and  the  autumn  months,  until  December  19th,  when 
a  blizzard  interrupted  matters.    For  about  four  weeks,  prog- 


268  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

ress  was  impossible  because  of  heavy  storms  which  covered 
the  structure  with  snow  and  ice  while  the  thermometer 
ranged  from  10  to  25  degrees  below  zero.  Three  lives  were 
lost  in  attempting  to  carry  on  the  work  during  this  bad 
weather  period. 

In  order  to  start  traffic  over  the  new  road,  false  work 
strong  enough  to  bear  trains  was  erected  between  piers  "2" 
and  "3"  and  across  a  span  still  in  construction.  The  first 
train  crossed  the  bridge  on  January  26th,  1888.  The  work 
progressed  without  delaying  traffic  and  on  February  11th, 
1888,  the  bridge  was  substantially  completed  at  an  outlay 
of  more  than  $770,000.  As  finished,  the  Sibley  bridge  5  con- 
tained the  following  specifications :  An  east  viaduct  approach 
of  1,900  feet  and  no  west  approach,  while  the  total  length 
of  the  bridge  over  the  channel  was  2,153  feet,  consisting  in 
the  main  of  three  400-foot  spans  together  with  one  of  200, 
one  of  250  and  two  of  175  feet  respectively. 

Late  in  January,  1888,  accommodation  train  service  was 
started  over  the  new  line  from  Argentine,  Kansas.  The  Kan- 
sas City  terminals  were  not  used  until  the  29th  of  the  fol- 
lowing April,  when  the  entire  road  was  taken  over  by  the 
operating  department  of  the  Chicago,  Santa  Fe  &  Cali- 
fornia Company. 

To  secure  terminals  in  Chicago,  the  Atchison,  Topeka 
&  Santa  Fe  Railroad  in  Chicago  Company  was  organized 
with  Norman  Williams,  a  prominent  attorney,  as  president. 
This  company  had  a  capital  stock  of  $5,000,000  with  an  au- 
thorized funded  debt  of  $10,000,000.  Of  the  latter  amount 
the  sum  of  $5,500,000  was  actually  raised  and  guaranteed 
by  the  Atchison  Company  as  a  separate  obligation.  The 
funds  thus  provided  were  used  to  build  2.12  miles  of  railroad 

•In  1912-13  the  bridge  was  greatly  enlarged,  the  better  to  accommo- 
date heavy  traffic.  , 


A  Dream  Fulfilled  £69 

in  the  city  and  to  secure  necessary  trackage  and  terminal 
properties,  such  as  station,  yard,  crossing  and  dock  privi- 
leges, together  with  freight-houses  and  elevator  facilities. 
This  big  undertaking,  which  was  consummated  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1887,  required  many  intricate  plans  and  large  expend- 
itures of  money.  In  carrying  out  their  plans  the  Company 
followed  a  generous  and  fair  policy.  There  was  little  or  no 
occasion  for  condemnation  proceedings  in  getting  the  de- 
sired properties,  and  about  $3,316,000  was  expended  for  real 
estate  before  any  construction  work  was  started  in  the  city. 
A  full  account  of  these  matters  is  simply  a  record  of  hum- 
drum real  estate  sales  and  transfers,  the  details  of  which  are 
of  no  special  interest  or  importance  here.  Numerous  cross- 
ing privileges  were  obtained  largely  through  common  recip- 
rocal agreements  with  other  lines.  The  initial  expenditures 
in  Chicago  aggregated  about  $5,700,000,  but  the  Santa  Fe 
gained  short  and  direct  access  to  the  heart  of  the  city. 

When  viewed  from  a  matter-of-fact  standpoint  the  story 
of  how  the  Santa  Fe  built  its  line  to  Chicago  does  not  differ 
greatly  from  many  of  the  enterprises  conducted  by  this 
great  company.  Thus  regarded,  it  is  merely  an  account  of 
thorough  organization,  careful  planning,  of  mechanical 
skill,  the  efficient  handling  of  men,  of  good  bargaining,  and 
tactful  procedure.  But  as  to  the  execution  of  this  project, 
as  to  how  100  miles  of  railroad  were  rebuilt,  and  the  two 
largest  rivers  of  the  continent  successfully  bridged;  as  to 
how  350  miles  of  main  line,  including  48,106  feet,  or  more 
than  nine  miles  of  bridges  and  trestles,  were  constructed,  all 
within  eleven  months — this  must  rank  with  the  great  engi- 
neering achievements  of  the  19th  century. 

Yet  building  to  Chicago,  splendid  performance  as  it  was, 
did  not  absorb  the  expansive  energies  of  the  Atchison,  To- 
peka  &  Santa  Fe  during  the  eventful  year  1887.     Entrance 


270  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

to  St.  Joseph,  Missouri,  was  obtained,  first,  by  constructing 
a  19-mile  extension  of  the  original  main  line  from  Atchison. 
This  work  was  done  under  the  corporate  name  of  the  St. 
Joseph  &  Santa  Fe  Railroad  Company.  Next,  a  railroad 
about  76  miles  long  which  connected  St.  Joseph  with  the  new 
Chicago,  Santa  Fe  &  California  main  line  at  Lexington 
Junction,  Missouri,  was  purchased  from  the  Wabash  Com- 
pany for  about  $800,000.  These  properties,  which  gave  the 
Santa  Fe  access  to  St.  Joseph  from  two  directions,  were 
then  consolidated  into  the  St.  Joseph,  St.  Louis  &  Santa  Fe 
Railroad  Company  and  became  a  valuable  auxiliary  to  the 
Santa  Fe  system. 

The  St.  Louis,  Kansas  City  &  Colorado,  a  small  railroad 
which  extended  from  St.  Louis,  about  61  miles,  to  Union, 
Missouri,  was  likewise  bought  that  year.  This  road  was 
completely  isolated  from  the  Santa  Fe  system;  but  it  had 
depot  rights  in  St.  Louis.  It  was  considered  a  strategic 
property  with  which  a  main  line  might  be  connected  from 
Kansas  City  and  a  foothold  thereby  secured  in  the  metrop- 
olis as  soon  as  the  Santa  Fe  Company  felt  justified  in  build- 
ing another  road  across  the  State  of  Missouri. 

In  Eastern  Kansas  a  46-mile  branch — the  Leavenworth, 
Northern  &  Southern — was  built  to  connect  Leavenworth 
with  the  main  line  at  Wilder. 

In  Colorado  some  trouble  arose  once  more,  due,  it  is  said, 
to  the  refusal  of  W.  S.  Jackson  of  the  Denver  &  Rio  Grande 
to  extend  certain  trackage  concessions  north  of  Pueblo  in 
accordance  with  the  final  settlement  of  the  Grand  Canon 
troubles  in  1880.  Angered  by  this  situation  and  determined 
once  for  all  to  have  an  independent  road  to  the  Colorado 
metropolis,  Strong  organized  the  Denver  &  Santa  Fe  Rail- 
way Company  in  March,  1887,  and  promptly  built  a  new 
main  line  of  116  miles  from  Pueblo  to  Denver.    Incidentally 


A  Dream  Fulfilled  271 

he  made  his  company  secure  in  the  capital  by  purchasing 
for  $800,000  the  Denver  Circle  railroad,  a  terminal  line 
about  eight  miles  in  extent. 

Not  to  mention  300  miles  of  extensions  in  Indian  Terri- 
tory and  the  Texas  Panhandle,  which  were  started  the  pre- 
ceding year,  the  Santa  Fe  in  1887  built  502  miles  of  sundry 
branch  lines  in  Kansas.  This  was  done  under  the  name  of 
the  Chicago,  Kansas  &  Western,  thus  giving  that  vigorous 
auxiliary  a  total  of  over  903  miles  of  railroad,  practically 
all  of  which  was  constructed  within  two  years. 

In  Colorado  a  10-mile  extension  at  last  brought  the 
Santa  Fe  to  the  town  of  Canon  City.  And  out  in  Southern 
California  the  Company  was  increasing  its  power  by  con- 
structing about  185  miles  of  branch  lines.  To  build  and 
consolidate  these  California  branches  a  new  corporation, 
called  the  California  Central,  was  formed,  which  was  soon 
merged  with  the  California  Southern  and  the  entire  group 
then  taken  into  the  Santa  Fe  combination. 

During  1887  the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  Company 
expended  for  real  estate  and  the  construction  of  new  rail- 
roads $40,775,000 ;  it  spent  over  $4,180,000  for  improving 
its  older  lines,  and  over  $800,000  for  additions  and  im- 
provements to  collateral  properties.  At  the  close  of  this 
remarkable  year  the  Company  owned,  operated  and  con- 
trolled 7,373  miles  of  railroad.  The  little  28-mile  Kansas 
Railroad  of  1869  had  within  eighteen  years  become  one  of 
the  greatest  railroad  systems  of  the  world — a  system  that 
extended  from  Lake  Michigan  to  the  Pacific  Coast,  from 
Denver  to  the  Gulf  of  California,  and  from  Kansas  to  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico. 

The  dream  of  Cyrus  HoUiday  was  at  last  fulfilled. 


SOURCE  MATERIALS 

Major  Z.  M.  Pike:  "An  Account  of  Expeditions  to  the  Sources 
of  the  Mississippi  and  through  the  Western  Parts  of  Louisiana 
to  the  Sources  of  the  Arkansaw,  Kans.,  La  Platte,  and  Pierre 
Jaun  Rivers;  Performed  by  Order  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  During  the  Years  1805,  1806,  and  1807.  And 
a  Tour  Through  the  Interior  Parts  of  New  Spain  When  Con- 
ducted Through  Those  Provinces  by  Order  of  the  Captain  Gen- 
eral in  the  Year  1807."  Philadelphia,  1810.  The  best  source 
as  to  the  early  incentives  for  the  Santa  Fe  trade. 

Josiah  Gregg:  "Commerce  of  the  Prairies."  2  vols.  New 
York,  1844-1845.  The  work  of  a  contemporary  who  spent  sev- 
eral years  as  a  merchant  in  the  Santa  Fe  trade.  The  standard 
authority   on   the   Santa    Fe   trail. 

House  Executive  Documents,  No.  1,  30th  Congress,  Sess.  2: 
Lieutenant  Gilpin  to  R.  Jones,  Adjutant  General,  U.  S.  A. 

House  Executive  Documents,  No.  17,  31st  Congr.  Both  docu- 
ments contain  interesting  and  valuable  materials  descriptive  of 
the  volume  of  traffic  moving  over  the  trail  in  the  late  Forties, 
together  with  numerous  Indian  outrages  and  the  failure  of 
Congress  to  provide  adequate  military  protection  for  the  over- 
land traffic. 


SPECIAL  ACCOUNTS 

Col.  Henry  Inman:  "The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail."  New  York, 
1898.  The  most  comprehensive  single  volume  devoted  to  the 
subject.  Covers  the  entire  history  of  the  trail  from  the  Spanish 
conquistador es  to  the  coming  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa 
Fe  railioad.  Inman  quotes  considerable  source  materials,  and 
in  his  early  chapters  borrows  heavily  from  Gregg. 

272 


Source  Materials  278 


PERIODICAL  LITERATURE 

Wm.  R.  Manning:  "Diplomacy  Concerning  the  Santa  Fe 
Trail."  Mississippi  Valley  Historical  Review,  I,  No.  4-  An  ex- 
cellent study  of  the  diplomatic  relations  between  the  United 
States  and  Mexico  in  1824-1825.  The  article  is  concerned  chiefly 
with  the  diplomacy  incident  to  marking  the  trail,  in  1825,  to- 
gether with  the  mutual  efforts  of  the  two  countries  to  encourage 
overland  trade  along  this  route. 

Thomas  BecknelVs  Journals,  or  "The  Journals  of  Capt. 
Thomas  Becknell  from  Boone's  Lick  to  Santa  Fe,  and  from 
Santa  Cruz  to  Green  River."  Missouri  Hist.  Review,  IV.  An 
interesting  fragment  which  devotes  ten  pages  in  describing  a 
trip  to  Santa  Fe.  It  tells  nothing  that  is  not  to  be  learned 
from  Gregg,  and  it  in  no  way  compares  with  Gregg  in  thor- 
oughness   and   scope   of   treatment. 

Chas.  F.  Lummis:  "Pioneer  Transportation  in  America:  Its 
Curiosities  and  Its  Romance."  McClure's  Magazine,  Vols.  25 
and  26.  An  interesting  survey  of  the  entire  history  of  pioneer 
transportation  in  America  from  the  16th  to  the  19th  century. 
The  writer  places  stress  upon  the  Eskimo  dog  teams  as  well  as 
the  mule  teams  of  Latin  America.  Considerable  attention  is 
devoted  to  the  old  Vera  Cruz  trail  in  Mexico.  As  to  the  Santa 
Fe  trail,  we  find  practically  nothing  that  is  not  presented  in 
Gregg,  or  in  Root  and  Connelley,  "The  Overland  Stage  to  Cali- 
fornia." 

GENERAL  WORKS 

H.  H.  Bancroft:  Works,  Vol.  15.  "The  North  Mexican  States." 
The  monumental  work  on  the  history  of  the  Pacific  and  South- 
west states  of  the  Union,  as  well  as  Latin  North  America.  Is 
full  of  richly  suggestive  material. 

L.  Bradford  Prince:  "History  of  New  Mexico."  Kansas  City, 
1883.  A  well-organized  and  carefully  written  account  that  em- 
bodies the  most  important  facts.  Is  especially  valuable  as  a 
hand-book. 


274  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

Helen  Haines:  "History  of  New  Mexico/'  New  York,  1891. 
A  useful  and  convenient  volume.  Also  contains  interesting  sta- 
tistical and  biographical  data. 

Katherine  Coman:  "Economic  Beginnings  of  the  Far  West." 
New  York,  1912.  A  scholarly  and  comprehensive  work.  Con- 
tains one  chapter  of  value  on  the  Santa  Fe  trail. 

John  B.  McMaster:  "History  of  the  People  of  the  United 
States."  Vol.  5.  A  standard  general  work  with  which  all  stu- 
dents of  American  history  are  familiar. 

Randall  Parrish:  "The  Great  Plains."  Chicago,  1907.  An 
entertaining  historical  sketch  of  the  prairies.  Touches  the 
leading  events,  but  in  view  of  its  wide  scope  the  book  is  of  small 
value  to  the  research  student  of  American  history. 

Frederic  L.  Paxson:  "The  Last  American  Frontier."  New 
York,  1910.  An  interesting  survey  of  the  more  important  phases 
of  frontier  history  from  the  18th  century  down  to  the  construc- 
tion of  the  Pacific  railroads.  Is  of  value  chiefly  as  an  outline 
presentation  of  the  main  facts. 


UNPUBLISHED   SOURCES 

The  Archives  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  Com- 
pany at  Topeka.  The  only  sources  where  certain  data  such  as 
contracts  bearing  upon  the  expansion  of  the  road,  statistical  mat- 
ter, engineering  records,  charters,  and  certain  details  of  incorpo- 
ration can  be  found. 

Archives  of  the  Kansas  State  Historical  Society,  at  Topeka. 
Here  the  original  correspondence  between  Col.  R.  I.  Dodge  and 
Governor  Thos.  Osborn  relative  to  the  vigilantes  of  Dodge  City 
— as  well  as  thousands  of  valuable  documents  on  Western  his- 
tory— are  found. 

MANUSCRIPT  SOURCES 

Private  Papers  of  Cyrus  K,  Holliday.  Invaluable  with  ref- 
erence to  the  incorporation  and  organization  of  the  Santa  Fe 


Source  Materials  275 

Company.  The  writer  edited  these  papers  and  published  them 
in  the  Santa  Fe  Magazine. 

John  E.  Frost  Manuscript.  Especially  prepared  for  the 
writer  by  John  E.  Frost,  LL.D.,  of  Topeka,  former  Land  Com- 
missioner, and  the  best  living  authority  on  the  operations  of  the 
Santa  Fe  Land  Department. 

Private  Papers  of  Albert  A.  Robinson,  Former  Chief  Engi- 
neer and  the  real  builder  of  original  Santa  Fe  lines. 

Jacob  Wiebe's  Narrative.  A  quaint  account  by  a  Mennonite 
bishop,  in  which  the  narrator  tells  in  simple  yet  affecting  style, 
the  experiences  which  he  and  certain  of  his  people  had  in  leaving 
Russia  and  in  settling  on  Santa  Fe  railroad  lands  in  Kansas. 

P.  I.  Bonebrake  Manuscript.  A  short  account,  but  of  value  in 
treating  the  early  attempts  of  the  Company  to  get  financial  aid 
in  Kansas.  Prepared  for  the  writer  by  Mr.  P.  I.  Bonebrake, 
of  Topeka. 


PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

In  preparing  this  work,  the  writer  has  had  correspondence 
with  the  following  persons,  and  from  whom  some  invaluable 
facts  and  suggestions  have  been  received:  Albert  A.  Robinson, 
Edward  L.  Copeland,  Secretary  and  Treasurer  of  the  A.  T.  & 
S.  F.  Ry.  Company;  John  E.  Frost,  former  Land  Commissioner; 
Howell  Jones,  present  Land  Commissioner;  J.  C.  Mohler,  Sec- 
retary, Kansas  State  Board  of  Agriculture;  Matt  Weightman, 
Jr.,  Treasurer  of  Shawnee  County;  and  George  A.  Root,  Ar- 
chives Clerk,  Kansas  State  Historical  Society.  All  these  gentle- 
men are  in  Topeka,  Kansas. 

Other  letters  of  value  came  from  the  following  gentlemen:  B. 
F.  Rockafellow,  one  of  the  original  incorporators  of  the  Canon 
City  &  San  Juan  Railroad  Company,  Canon  City,  Colorado;  the 
late  Octave  Chanute,  famous  engineer  of  Chicago;  B.  T.  Lewis, 
of  La  Grange,  Illinois;  W.  E.  Bailey,  General  Auditor  of  the 
Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  Company;  and  C.  B.  Schmidt, 
former  Immigration  Agent  of  this  Company,  both  of  Chicago; 
U.  S.  Land  Office,  Washington,  D.  C;  and  Professor  D.  E. 
Harder  of  Hillsboro,  Kansas. 


276  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

PRINTED  SOURCES 

(a)  Official.  Various  Circulars  issued  by  the  President  or 
Directors  of  the  Company,  giving  official  explanations  as  to  the 
adoption  of  certain  policies,  and  as  to  the  issuance  of  securities 
for  the  extension  or  the  purchase  of  lines.  Materials  of  the 
highest  value. 

Annual  Reports  of  the  Company.  The  official  yearly  reports 
of  the  President  and  directors  to  the  stockholders  of  the 
Company.  Contain  much  useful  explanatory  matter  and  a  mass 
of  financial,  engineering,  and  traffic  statistics  invaluable  to  a 
careful  study  of  the  road  and  its  affairs. 

Manual  No.  19  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  Com- 
pany, issued  by  the  Secretary-Treasurer.  The  official  handbook 
of  the  Company,  setting  forth  the  essential  facts  of  every  corpo- 
ration, alive  or  defunct,  that  is  comprised  within  the  Santa  Fe 
System  of  railroads  and  collateral  properties. 

"The  A.  T.  $  S.  F.  in  1864"  An  official  compilation  of  the 
original  land  grant  and  enabling  acts  with  the  resolutions  of  the 
Kansas  Legislature. 

(b)  Contemporary  Publications.  The  complete  files  of  the 
Commercial  and  Financial  Chronicle,  from  1871  to  1887  in- 
clusive. A  New  York  weekly  newspaper  devoted  to  corporate 
and  financial  matters,  edited  by  financial  experts,  sane,  impartial, 
and  very  accurate.  This  is  unquestionably  the  best  single  source 
of  information  on  corporation  affairs  in  this  country. 

Files  of  the  Topeka,  Newton,  Augusta,  and  Douglass  (Kan- 
sas) newspapers  for  the  years  1871-1872,  and  1881  respectively; 
also  the  files  of  the  Denver  papers  for  1878-1880.  These  news- 
papers were  indispensable  sources  in  securing  local  "color."  The 
Topeka  publications  were  also  of  great  value  in  treating  the 
early  history  of  the  road;  while  a  history  of  the  Grand  Canon 
troubles  could  scarcely  be  written  without  access  to  the  con- 
temporary accounts  in  the  Denver  newspapers. 

(c)  Statutes:  Federal.  U.  S.  Statutes  at  Large.  27th 
Congr.  Sess.  1 ;  37th  Congr.  Sess.  3.  39th  Congr.  Sess.  1 ;  40th 
Congr.  1867-1869,  Treaties.  42nd  Congr.  Sess.  1  and  2;  43rd 
Congr.  Sess.  2.  Ditto,  44th  Congr.;  48th  Congr.  Sess.  1,  and 
49th,  second  session. 


Source  Materials  £77 

State  Laws.  Compiled  Statutes  of  Kansas,  1868.  General 
Laws  of  New  Mexico  (Prince),  1880.  The  Laws  of  Texas, 
1822-1897  (Gammel),  Vol.  7.  These  works  contain  the  original 
acts  incorporating  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  Company, 
together  with  its  more  important  subsidiaries. 

(d)  Miscellaneous  Sources.  Kansas  State  Historical  Col- 
lections, Topeka,  Vols.  8  to  12,  inclusive.  Well-edited,  contain- 
ing much  source  material  of  great  importance. 

Gregg,  "Commerce  of  the  Prairies."  Mentioned  under  Santa 
Fe  Trail. 

Poor's  Manual  of  Railroads.  Published  annually  and  con- 
tains a  bare  historical  outline,  the  leading  financial  details,  and 
the  more  important  operating  statistics,  of  each  railroad  in  the 
country.  The  standard  reference  work  on  American  railroads, 
though  not  free  from  errors. 

Congressional  Globe,  37th  Congr.,  2nd  and  3rd  Sessions.  For 
a  congressional  history  of  Pacific  railroad  legislation. 

Smithsonian  Institution,  Report  of  the  National  Museum, 
1887.  A  valuable  article  on  the  extinction  of  the  buffalo,  by 
Wm.  T.  Hornaday,  Superintendent  of  the  National  Zoological 
Park. 

18th  Biennial  Report,  Kansas  State  Board  of  Agriculture. 
Contains  exhaustive  statistics  necessary  in  Ch.  V. 

U.  S.  Reports,  92:  Oct.  1875.  For  Supreme  Court  Decision  on 
conflicting  land  titles — railroad  lands  vs.  lands  ceded  by  treaty 
to  the  Indians. 

Transactions  of  the  American  Society  of  Civil  Engineers,  Vol. 
21,  on  the  Sibley  Bridge. 

GENERAL   WORKS 

Emory  R.  Johnson:  "American  Railway  Transportation/'  New 
York,  1908  edition.  A  useful  reference  work  by  an  authority 
in  transportation  matters. 

Cy  Warman:  "The  Story  of  the  Railroad,"  New  York,  1906. 
An  interesting  sketch  of  the  leading  events  connected  with  the 
early  growth  of  Western  railroads.  Contains  some  interesting 
information,  but  often  strains  for  dramatic  effect  and  is  not 
always  reliable. 


278  The  Story  of  the  Santa  Fe 

C.  F.  Carter:  "When  Railroads  Were  New."  New  York, 
1909.  A  popular  and  fairly  accurate  survey  of  early  railroad 
expansion  in  this  country. 

H.  H.  Bancroft:  Works,  15  and  17.  Indispensable  to  every 
student  of  Western  history. 

F.  Hall:  History  of  Colorado.  Chicago,  1890.  Vols.  2  and 
3.  A  large  work,  judicious,  lucid,  and  quite  accurate.  Written 
from  a  local  viewpoint,  this  history  presents  a  useful  outline  of 
the  main  events  of  the  Grand  Canon  War. 

Root  and  Connelley:  "The  Overland  Stage  to  California." 
Topeka,  1901.  An  excellent  compilation  of  materials,  narrative 
and  statistical,  bearing  upon  overland  routes  in  general.  While 
the  standard  work  in  its  field,  the  book  is  of  but  incidental  im- 
portance to  the  historian  of  the  Santa  Fe  Railroad. 


GENERAL  MISCELLANEOUS 

Frank  Spearman:  "The  Strategy  of  Great  Railroads."  New 
York,  1905.  A  series  of  interesting  popular  articles  on  the  lead- 
ing railroads  of  the  United  States.  Is  chiefly  concerned  with 
the  strategy  of  their  respective  geographical  locations,  together 
with  the  problems  of  leadership  involved. 

J.  B.  Sanborn:  "Congressional  Land  Grants  in  Aid  of  Rail- 
ways." Madison,  1899.  A  very  brief  outline  study  of  the 
subject.  The  writer  makes  good  use  of  his  references,  but  he 
has  attempted  too  much  for  a  short  monograph. 

F.  L.  Paxson:  "The  Last  American  Frontier."  See  under 
Santa  Fe  Trail.  By  the  same  author,  "The  Pacific  Railroads 
and  the  Disappearance  of  the  Frontier  in  America."  Amer. 
Hist.  Assoc.  Reports,  1907,  I.  A  sketch  of  the  early  history  of 
the  various  transcontinental  lines.  Pays  but  slight  attention  to 
the  A.  T.  &  S.  F. 

Joseph  Nimmo,  Jr.:  A  Report  in  Regard  to  the  Range  and 
Cattle  Business  of  the  United  States.  Washington,  1885.  Govt. 
Printing  Office.  A  useful  study  that  throws  much  light  on  the 
rise  of  the  cattle  business  in  the  Southwest. 

John  Moody,  in  Moody's  Magazine,  VI.  A  bare  outline 
sketch  of  the  Santa  Fe  Railroad. 


Source  Materials  279 

F.  W.  Blachmar:  "Life  of  Chas.  Robinson. "  Topeka,  1902. 
Useful  for  the  early  career  of  Cyrus  Holliday  and  the  found- 
ing of  Topeka. 

J.  P.  Davis:  "The  Union  Pacific  Railroad,  Chicago,  1894. 
An  authentic  and  scholarly  treatment,  though  dreary  reading 
in  places.     Of  some  value  with  regard  to  Pacific  land  grants. 

E.  V.  Smalley:  "The  Northern  Pacific  Railroad."  New 
York,  1883.  One  of  the  earliest  attempts  at  writing  railroad 
history  in  this  country. 

Chas.  S.  Gleed,  on  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  Rail- 
road. Cosmopolitan  Magazine,  Vol.  14.  A  scholarly  man,  a 
Director  of  the  Company,  and  for  over  thirty  years  associated 
with  Santa  Fe  affairs,  Mr.  Gleed  writes  authoritatively.  A  use- 
ful collection  of  facts. 

New  International  Encyclopedia,  New  York,  1906,  Vol.  13. 

Encyclopedia  Britannica,  Cambridge,  1011.  Useful  for  some 
routine  details  concerning  the  Mennonite  sect. 

Railway  Organization  and  Working.  Edited  by  Professor 
Ernest  Dewsnup,  Chicago,  1906.  Volume  comprises  a  large 
number  of  technical  articles  written  by  various  railroad  officials 
on  the  work  of  their  respective  departments. 

Simon  Sterne:  "Railways  in  the  United  States."  New  York, 
1912.  A  series  of  lectures  that  make  a  comparative  study  of 
railways  and  governmental  control  of  railways  in  the  United 
States  and  Western  Europe. 

Thomas  F.  Woodloch:  "The  Anatomy  of  Railroad  Reports 
and  the  Ton  Mile  Cost."  New  York,  1909.  A  useful  study  in 
which  the  various  features  of  railroad  reports  are  analyzed  and 
interpreted. 


INDEX 


Abell,  Peter,  Santa  Fe  R.R.  Di- 
rector, 57,  58 

Abilene,   Kans.,  89 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  Pres.  of 
U.  S.,  30 

Alabama,  110,  229 

Alamosa,  Colo.,  152,  170,  186,  189, 
199 

Albuquerque,  N.  M.,  153,  205,  206, 
208,  209,  217,  220 

Alencaster,  Spanish  Governor,  22, 
24 

Alexander,  Czar  of  Russia,  119, 
130 

Arizona,  44,  48,  69,  155,  208,  211, 
219,  221,  227,  234 

Arkansas,  211,  229 

Arkansas  City,  Kans.,  228,  246, 
247 

Arkansas  River,  18,  23,  27,  136, 
155,  157,  245 

Arkansas  River  Valley,  19,  20,  31, 
85,  86,  108,  109,  113,  125,  135, 
201,  203 

Armijo,  Mexican  Governor,  39 

Askew,  Col.  W.  E.,  93 

Atchison,  Kans.,  56,  57,  80,  84,  86, 
108 

Atchison  County,  Kans.,  65 

Atchison  &  Topeka  R.R.  Co.,  56, 
58,  59 

Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe 
Railroad  Company,  17,  19,  48, 
65,  66,  67,  73,  77,  81,  86,  127, 
129,  137,  141,  147,  150,  154,  156, 
160,  172,  175,  182,  184,  186,  188, 
189,  194,  200,  214,  217,  222,  224, 
231,  234,  237,  238,  241,  242,  244, 
248,  256,  260,  269,  271 

A.  T.  &  S.  F.  R.R.  Co.  in  Chi- 
cago, 268 

Atlantic  &  Pacific  Railroad,  66, 
147,  208,  209,  210,  211,  213,  214, 
215,  216,  217,  218,  219,  220,  221, 


222,  223,  224,  225,  237,  238,  239, 

240,  242,  244,  255 
Augusta,  Kans.,  231,  232 
Aull   &   Co.,    frontier  traders,  32 
Australia,  226 
Austria,  133 

Baptists,  113 

Barr,  P.  F.,  Civil  engineer,  264 

Barstow,  Calif.,  241,  243 

Bartlett,  Sidney,  Attorney,  179 

Bass,  Lyman  S.,  Attorney,  179 

Beach,  Geo.  W.,  Railroad  Con- 
tractor 70,  74 

Beard,  Santa  Fe  trader,  25,  26,  27 

Becknell,  Santa  Fe  trader,  26 

Beckwith,  A.  T.  &  S.  F.,  Attor- 
ney, 193 

Beeson  Chalkley,  Dodge  City 
character,  88,  104,  105 

Benson,  Ariz.,  225 

Bent  County,  Colo.,  191 

Benton,  T.  H.,  U.  S.  Senator,  30 

Big  Blue  Junction,  Mo.,  262,  264 

Bird,  L.  D.,  Santa  Fe  railroad  in- 
corporator, 58 

Blue  Mills,  Mo.,  32 

Bolmar,  C.  P.,  Santa  Fe  R.R. 
Land  Dept.  official,  112 

Bonebrake,  P.  I.,  Topeka  citizen, 
70 

Booker,  B.  F.,  civil  engineer,  264 

Boot  Hill  Cemetery  at  Dodge 
City,  91 

Borst,  W.  W.,  Santa  Fe  R.R. 
Supt.,  181,  198 

Boston,  Mass.,  141,  143,  147,  170, 
175,  224,  256 

Bowen,  Thos.  M.,  Colorado  Dis- 
trict Judge,  180,  189,  190,  191, 
192,  193,  195 

Brazos  River,  Texas,  42 

Breithaupt,  W.  G.,  civil  engineer, 
266 


281 


282 


Index 


Buchanan,  James,  Pres.  of  U.  S., 

52 
Buckley,  W.  F.,  financier,  216 
Burr,  Jas.  D.,  civil  engineer,  85 
Butler,  Wright  &  King,  Colorado 

law  firm,  190 

Cache,    frontier    method    of    con- 
cealing goods,  27,  28 
California,  17,  44,  53,  79,  149,  207, 

208,  210,  214,  216,  217,  221,  223, 

224,  225,  237,  238,  242,  243,  244, 

252,  271 
California  Central  R.R.,  271 
California  Southern  R.R.  Co.,  240, 

241,  242,  243,  271 
Canon   City,   Colo.,   140,   145,   154, 

156,  157,  158,  159,  160,  162,  163, 

164,  169,  180,  182,  183,  187,  188, 

190,  197,  199,  200,  271 
Canon  City  &  San  Juan  R.R.  Co., 

159,  162,  166,  167,  169,  184 
Canyon  Diablo,  223 
Case,  Alex.  E.,  119 
Case    &    Billings,    Land    Agents, 

111,  118,  119,  123 
Catholic  Church,  114 
Catherine  II,  Empress  of  Russia, 

115,  116 
Centennial  Exposition,  134 
Central  &  Montgomery  R.R.,  249 
Central  Pacific   R.R.,  66,  214 
Challiss,  Luther  C,  Santa  Fe  R.R. 

incorporator,  56,  57,  58 
Chambers,   Santa  Fe  trail  trader, 

25t  26,  27 
Chanute,   Octave,  consulting  engi- 
neer, 266 
Chase  County,  Kans.,  108 
Cherryvale,  Kans.,  228 
Chicago,    79,    139,    146,    218,    257, 

258,  259,  261,  265,  269 
Chicago  &  Alton  Ry.,  259 
Chicago  &  Northwestern  Ry.,  146 
Chicago   &   Plainfield   R.R.,  260 
Chicago  &  St.  Louis  Ry.  Co.,  259, 

260,   262,   265 
Chicago,     Burlington     &     Quincy 

R.R.,  84,  143,  146,  257,  264 
Chicago,  Kansas  &  Western  R.R. 

Co.,  253,  254 
Chicago,    Milwaukee    &    St.    Paul 

Ry.,  146 


Chicago,    Pekin    &    Southwestern 

Ry.,  260,  261 
Chicago,    Santa    Fe    &    California 

R.R.,    256,    259,    260,    262,    263, 

266,  268,  270 
Chicago,    Santa    Fe    &    California 

R.R.  of  Iowa,  262 
Chicago,  St.  Louis  &  Western  Ry., 

261 
Chihuahua,  Mexico,  22,  24,  26,  42, 

43 
Choteau's  Island,  31 
Cimarron  River,  18,  26 
Cincinnati,  72,  74 
City  of  Mexico,  145 
Civil  War,  48,  63,  211 
Cleburne,  Tex.,  250,  251 
Coahuila,  Mexico,  25 
Coffeyville,   Kans.,  228,  230 
Coffin,  Wm.  H.,  financier,  216 
Colorado,    18,    19,    23,   44,    48,   49, 

85,    86,    87,    133,    136,    140,    141, 

142,  144,  145,  147,  150,  151,  152, 

160  161,  168,  176,  186,  192,  194, 

204,  205,  206,  231,  234,  237,  238, 

270,  271 
Colorado  &  New  Mexico  R.R.  Co., 

140,  141 
Colorado  River,  209,  219,  220,  221, 

224,  226,  241 
Colorado   Springs,  Colo.,  170,  174, 

179,  180,  182,  190 
Colton,  California,  241,  243 
Comanche  County,  Kans.,  102 
Connolley,  Dr.,  American  frontier 

trader,  42 
Coolidge,  T.  J.,  railroad  executive, 

175,  185,  241 
Cooper,  American  frontier  trader, 

26 
Cordero,    Don    Antonio,    Spanish 

Governor,  25 
Coronado,    Vasquez,    Spanish    Ex- 
plorer, 20 
Cottonwood  Falls,  Kans.,  108 
Council   Grove,   Kans.,   18,  34,  36, 

47,  67 
Cowley,    Sumner    &    Fort    Smith 

R.R.,  227 
Crane,    F.    L.,    Santa   Fe   railroad 

incorporator,  58 
Criley,    James,    railroad   construc- 
tion foreman,  85 


Index 


283 


Cutter  &  Wiley,  early  Dodge  City 
firm,  91 

Dallas,  Texas,  250,  251 

Davis,  A.  C,  Kansas  citizen,  62 

Deming,  N.  M.,  225,  234 

Dennison,  Texas,  245 

Denver,  Colo.,  17,  66,  139,  145,  151, 
156,  164,  170,  171,  177,  178,  181, 
187,  188,  194,  196,  198,  201,  202, 
257,  270,  271 

Denver  &  Rio  Grande  R.R.,  145, 
151,  152,  153,  154,  155,  156,  158, 
162,  163,  164,  166,  169,  170,  172, 
173,  175,  177,  178,  179,  181,  182, 
184,  186,  188,  189,  191,  193,  194, 
199,  200,  202,  203,  270 

Denver  &  Santa  Fe  R.R.,  270 

Denver  Circle  R.R.,  271 

Denver,  South  Park  &  Pacific 
R.R.,  178,  191 

Denver  Times,  175,  190,  194,  201 

Denver    Tribune,   190 

Des  Moines  River,  264,  265 

Dodge  City,  Kans.,  18,  26,  85,  86, 
88,  89,  90,  91,  92,  93,  94,  95,  96, 
97,  98,  99,  100,  101,  102,  103, 
104,  105,  108,  135,  180,  191 

Dickey,  Milton  C,  railroad  pro- 
moter, 57,  58 

Dillon,  Judge  of  Federal  Court, 
164,  166,  169 

Dodge,  D.  C,  Mgr.  Denver  &  Rio 
Grande  R.R.,  175,  181 

Dodge,  Lord  &  Co.,  railroad  con- 
tractors, 72,  74 

Dodge,  R.  I.,  U.  S.  A.,  95,  96,  99 

Douglass,  Kans.,  232,  233,  234 

Durango,  Mexico,  22 

El  Dorado,  Kans.,  144,  231,  233 

Elk  &  Chautauqua  R.R.,  227 

Elkhart,  Ind.,  121 

Ellsworth,  L.  C,  railroad  receiver, 
198 

El  Moro,  Colo.,  151,  152,  153,  154, 
170,  186 

El  Paso,  Tex.,  42,  139,  151,  207, 
237 

Emigrant  Aid  Society  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 53 

Emporia,  Kans.,  67,  80,  81,  82,  83, 
86,  108,  236 


Eureka,  Kans.,  227 

Evans,  R.  W.,  Dodge  City  mer- 
chant, 92 

Ewart,  Wilhelm,  Mennonite  set- 
tler, 123,  124 

Florence,   Kans.,  86,  112,  144,  228 
Florence,    El    Dorado    &    Walnut 

Valley  R.R.,  234,  254 
Ford    County,    Kans.,    92,    95,    96, 

102,  108,   135 
Fort  Bent,  Colo.,  41 
Fort  Dodge,  Kans.,  18,  92,  93,  96, 

97 
Fort  Garland,  Colo.,  152 
Fort  Madison,  Iowa,  260,  262,  265 
Fort  Worth,  Texas,  249,  250,  251 
Franciscan   Fathers,   21 
Franco-Prussian  War,  116 
Franklin,    Mo.,    32 
Freedom's  Champion  of  Atchison, 

Kans.,  59 
Fremont   County,   Colo.,   155,  156, 

165 
Frost,    John    E.,    Santa    Fe    R.R. 

Co.  Land  Commissioner,  137 
Funk,    John    F.,    Mennonite    pio- 
neer, 121 

Galesburg,  111.,  264 

Galveston,     Texas,     17,     139,    248, 

249,  251,  252 
Galveston,   Houston   &  Henderson 

R.R.,  248 
Garden  City,  Kans.,  136 
Gast,  Chas.  E.,  attorney,  164 
Germany,  114,  117,  119,  133 
Gila  Desert,  18 

Gilpin,  Col.  W.,  U.  S.  A.,  45,  46 
Golden  Gate,  223 
Gould,    Jay,    financier,    198,    199, 

201,  203,  221,  222,  223 
Granada,  Colo.,  140,  141 
Grand    Canon    of    the    Arkansas, 

154,  156,  158,  159,  160,  161,  163, 

164,  165,  166,  167,  168,  169,  182, 

183,  184,  186,  187,  188,  194,  195, 

199,  202. 
Grand    Canon    of    the    Colorado, 

155 
Grand    Canon    "War,"    161,    176, 

203,  227,  270 
Grant,  Judge,  attorney,  179 


284 


Index 


Great  Bend,  Kans.,  18,  19,  86,  89, 
121,  201,  202 

Greenwood  County,  Kans.,  227 

Greenwood,  W.  H.,  railroad  engi- 
neer, 155 

Gregg,  Josiah,  prairie  historian, 
36,  43,  68 

Guadeloupe  Hidalgo,  Treaty  of, 
44 

Guayamas,   Mexico,    139,   224,   226 

Gulf,  Colorado  &  Santa  Fe  R.R., 
247,  248,  249,  250,  251,  252,  255 

Gunnison  Pass,  Colo.,  170 

Hallett,  Judge  of  U.  S.  Circuit 
Court,  164,  165,  166,  167,  169, 
187,  189,  192,  193,  194,  196,  198, 
199,  201 

Halstead,  Kans.,  218,  234 

Hanahan,  Jim,  Dodge  City  char- 
acter,  92 

Hannibal  &  St.  Joseph  R.R.,  84 

Harlan,  Justice  of  U.  S.  Supreme 
Court,  184 

Harper,  Kans.,  228 

Harper  &  Western  R.R.,  236 

Harvey  County,   Kans.,  118 

Harvey  County  R.R.,  234 

Hays  City,  Kans.,  49,  92 

Henry,  Judge  of  State  Dist. 
Court  of  Colorado,  163 

Herrara,  Don  Simonde,  Spanish 
Governor,   25 

Hidalgo,  Mexican  leader,  25 

Hinckley,  F.  E.,  railroad  promot- 
er, 260 

Hizer,  D.  N.,  Santa  Fe  railroad 
land  appraiser,  112,  135 

Holland,  114,  119 

Holliday,  Chas.,  Topeka  citizen,  56 

Holliday,  Cyrus  K.,  "father"  of 
the  Santa  Fe  railway  system, 
50,  51,  52,  53,  54,  55,  56,  57,  58, 
61,  63,  67,  69,  70,  72,  73,  74,  75, 
76,  78,  79,  81,  87,  110,  139,  146, 
150,  271 

Hoover,  G.  M.,  Dodge  City  citi- 
zen, 88,  91 

Houston,  Texas,  248,  250 

Howard  Branch  R.R.,  255 

Howard,   Kans.,  227 

Hunt,  A.  C,  Ex-Governor  of 
Colorado,  191 


Huntington,  Collis  P.,  financier 
and  railroad  builder,  206,  221, 
222,  223,  225,  226,  238,  239,  243 

Huntoon,  Joel,  Topeka  citizen,  57, 
58 

Hutchinson,   Kans.,  85,  254 

Illinois,  128,  229,  259 
Illinois  River,  265 
Independence,  Kans.,  254 
Independence,  Mo.,  32,  33,  34,  45, 

46 
Indian    Territory,    211,    212,    215, 

216,  218,  221,  228,  245,  246,  247, 

252,  271 
Indiana,  124,  128,  229 
Indians,  21,  22,  28,  29,  31,  34,  35, 

37,  45,  46,  105,  106,  131,  221,  246 
Ingalls,   John   J.,    U.    S.    Senator, 

99 
Ingoyen,    Spanish   Governor,  43 
Iowa,  124,  128,  260,  262 
Iturbide,  Mexican  leader,  26 

Jackson,  W.  S.,  Denver  &  Rio 
Grande  R.R.  official,  270 

Jansen,  Cornelius,  Mennonite 
leader,  117,  118,  123 

Jefferson  County,  Kans.,  65 

Johnson,  A.  S.,  Santa  Fe  railroad 
land  commissioner,  111,  112,  126, 
127,  128,  135 

Kansas,  20,  23,  27,  51,  52,  54,  55, 
58,  61,  62,  63,  64,  69,  74,  84,  87, 
88,  89,  90,  92,  97,  106,  110,  112, 
113,  124,  125,  126,  127,  128,  129, 
130,  131,  133,  134,  137,  138,  139, 
140,  205,  207,  218,  226,  229,  230, 
234,  236,  238,  245,  246,  252,  253, 
257,  271 

Kansas  City,  Mo.,  18,  32,  45,  93, 
104,  126,  142,  143,  144,  214,  237, 
250,  259,  260,  262,  264,  267,  268 

Kansas  City  Belt  Line,  236,  262 

Kansas  City,  Emporia  &  Southern 
Ry.,  227,  235 

Kansas  City,  Lawrence  &  South- 
ern Ry.,  228 

Kansas  City,  Topeka  &  Western 
R.R.,   143,  229,   236,  266 

Kansas  Pacific  R.R.,  48,  66,  77, 
78,  89,  92,  108,  155,  156,  177, 
194,  198,  199,  201,  202,  203 


Index 


285 


Kansas    (or   Kaw)    River,  32,  57, 

75 
Kansas  Southern  R.R.,  236 
Kearny,    Stephen   W.,    U.S.A.,   18, 

44,  204 
Keim,  M.  W.,  Mennonite,  118 
Kelly,  Jim,  Dodge  City  character, 

92,  94,  100 
Kingman,     Lewis,    civil    engineer, 

220 
Kiowa,   Kans.,  246,  247 
Klaason,   Herr,  Mennonite  leader, 

129,   130 
Krehbiel,      Christian,      Mennonite, 

123 

La  Junta,  Colo.,  49,  147,  158,  176 

Lake  Michigan,  259,  271 

Lakin,  D.  L.,  Santa  Fe  R.R.  land 

commissioner,    74,    81,    109,    110, 

111 
La  Lande,  Baptiste,  early  trader, 

22,  23 
Lane,  Jas.  H.,  U.  S.  Senator,  63. 
Larned,  Kans.,  85,  86,  89 
Las  Animas,  Colo.,  142 
Las  Vegas,  N.  M.,  19,  49,  176,  204 
Lawrence,   Kans.,  51,  52,  64,  117, 

228,  230 
Lawrence  &  Galveston  R.R.,  230 
Leadville,  Colo.,  157,  160,  162,  163, 

169,  170,  175,  178,  181,  188,  195, 

196,  197,  199,  200,  202 
Leavenworth,  Kans.,  59,  60,  62,  64, 

96,  270 
Leavenworth,    Lawrence    &    Fort 

Gibson  R.R.  Co.,  229,  230 
Leavenworth,    Northern   &    South- 
ern R.R.,  270 
Leavenworth,   Pawnee   &  Western 

R.R.,  55,  73 
Leavenworth  &  Topeka  R.R.,  234 
Lincoln,    Abraham,    President    of 

U.  S.,  63 
Long  Bros.,  Kansas  City,  Mo.,  93 
Los  Angeles,  Cal.,  17,  139 
Louisiana,  17,  229 
Lutherans,  129 
Lyons  County,  Kansas,  81 

Manhattan,    Alma    &    Burlingame 

R.R.,  228 
Manhattan,   Kans.,  231 


Marion,  Kans.,  Ill,  118 

Marion  County,  Kans.,  82,  83,  118, 
119 

Marion  &  McPherson  Branch,  228, 
233 

Marshall  Pass,  Colo.,  169 

Martin,  John  A.,  Atchison  County, 
Kans.,  citizen,  61 

Massachusetts,  53,  124 

Masterson,  Bat,  Dodge  City  char- 
acter, 102,  103,  191 

Masterson,  Ed.,  Dodge  City  char- 
acter, 102,  103 

McAfee,  J.  B.,  Santa  Fe  railroad 
land  appraiser,  111 

McDonald,  J.  G.,  Dodge  City  citi- 
zen, 91 

Mc Knight,  early  frontier  trader, 
25y  26,  27 

McMurtrie,  J.  A.,  Denver  &  Rio 
Grande   R.R.   official,   162 

McPherson,  Kansas,  228 

Medary,  Governor  of  Kansas  ter- 
ritory, 56 

Medill,  Mo.,  264 

Mennonites,  111,  113,  114,  115, 
116,  117,  118,  125,  129,  130,  131, 
133,  137 

Mexico,  22,  23,  24,  25,  44,  79,  153, 
168,  224,  225,  226,  227 

Mexican  Central  R.R.,  207 

Mexican  Government,  30,  224 

Mexican  War,  18,  43,  45 

Meyer,  L.  H.,  financier,  195,  197 

Michigan,  128,  140,  229 

Miller,  Justice  of  U.  S.  Supreme 
Court,  193,  194,  195,  196,  197 

Missouri,  22,  25,  61,  67,  85,  108, 
125,  211,  212,  216,  229,  234,  258, 
262,  266,  270 

Missouri  Pacific  R.R.,  84,  214,  215, 
257,  264 

Missouri  River,  19,  30,  32,  48,  54, 
56,  59,  82,  85,  88,  141,  142,  171, 
205,  207,  208,  217,  218,  224,  244, 
255,  256,  257,  258,  259,  262,  263, 
265,  266,  267 

Missouri  Valley,  18 

Mississippi  River,  55,  69,  217,  259, 
262,  263,  264,  265 

Mississippi  River  R.R.  &  Toll 
Bridge  Co.,  263 

Mississippi  Valley,  20,  49,  127,  128 


286 


Index 


Mohler,  J.  C,  Secy.  Kans.  Board 
of  Agriculture,  134 

Mojave  Division,  238,  239,  240, 
242 

Monroe,  Jas.,  Pres.  of  U.  S.,  30 

Moravia,    114 

Morley,  Wm.,  Santa  Fe  railroad 
employee,   154,   159,   165,   182 

Morse,  C.  F.,  civil  engineer,  259 

de  Moscoso,  Luis,  Spanish  ex- 
plorer, 20 

Mulvane,  Kans.,  228 

Natchitoches,  La.,  23,  24 

Nebraska,  23 

Needles,  Calif.,  221,  223,  237,  238 

Neosho  River,  34,  64 

Nevada,  44 

New  Jersey,  40 

New  Mexico,  18,  19,  21,  22,  24,  25, 
26,  30,  43,  44,  48,  55,  69,  77,  141, 
147,  148,  150,  151,  152,  155,  176, 
199,  202,  203,  204,  206,  207,  211, 
219,  227,  231,  234,  236,  238 

New  Mexico  &  Arizona  R.R.,  225, 
226 

New  Mexico  &  Southern  Pacific 
R.R.  Co.,  149,  160,  204,  206 

New  Orleans,  17,  222 

New  York  City,  39,  70,  72,  120, 
121,  195,  200,'  202,  215,  252,  256, 

Newton,  Kans.,  83,  84,  85,  89,  132 

»Nickerson,  Thos.,  Pres.  Topeka  & 
Santa  Fe  R.R.  Co.,  147,  150, 
170,  173,  199,  205,  208,  219 

Nogales,  Ariz.,  225,  226 

Northern  Pacific  R.R.,  66 

Oakland,  Cal.,  239 

Ohio,   124,  128,  129 

Oklahoma,  133,  209,  246 

de  Onate,  Don  Juan,  Spanish  gen- 
eral, 20 

Osborn,  Thos.  A.,  Governor  of 
Kansas,  96,  97,  99 

Otero,  Miguel,  New  Mexico,  147, 
148 

Ottawa  &  Burlington  R.R.,  235 

Pacific  Improvement  Co.,  239 
Pacific  R.R.  of  Missouri,  214 
Palmer,  Wm.  J.,  Pres.  of  Denver 
&    Rio   Grande    R.R.    Co.,    151, 


152,  153,  155,  168,  169,  173,  174, 

175,  179,  181,  182,  185,  191 
Parrott,  M.  J.,  Kansas  Territorial 

delegate  in  Congress,  62 
Pawnee  Rock,  Kans.,  18 
Peabody,  Kans.,  121,  122 
Pecos  River,  211 
Pekin,  111.,  260,  261 
Pennsylvania,  51 
Peter,    T.    J.,    Santa    Fe    railroad 

builder,  74,  75,  76,  80,  85 
Pierce,   Andrew,  financier,   216 
Pike,  Zebulon  M.,  U.S.A.,  Ameri- 
can explorer,  23,  24,  25 
Pitkin,  Governor  of  Colo.,  191 
Platte  River,  23 
Plumb,  Preston  B.,  U.  S.  Senator, 

75 
Plumb,  Ralph,  civil  engineer,  260 
Pomeroy,  S.  C,  U.  S.  Senator,  58, 

59,  63 
Poncha  Pass,  Colo.,  169 
Pottawatomie    Indian    Reservation 

lands,  73,  74,  110,  111 
Pratt,     Attorney     for     Santa    Fe 

R.R.  Co.,  193 
Prussia,  129,  133 
Pueblo,   Colo.,    141,    144,   149,   150, 

151,  153,  155,  158,  160,  162,  163, 

167,  171,  177,  183,  187,  192,  194, 

196,  198,  201,  203,  231,  270 
Pueblo  and  Arkansas  Valley  R.R. 

Co.,  141,  145,  160,  168,  169,  173, 

174,  175,  200,  202,  206 
Pueblo  Indians,  20,  21 
Pueblo  &  St.  Louis  R.R.  project, 

202 
Purcell,  Okla.,  250 
Pursley,    James,    early    American 

trader,   23 

Quakers,  114 

Quivera,  Kingdom  of,  20 

Rath  &  Co.  of  Dodge  City,  93 

Raton  Mountain,  204,  205 

Raton    Pass,    150,    151,    152,    153, 

155,  156,  160,  176,  203 
Red  River  (of  the  South),  23,  42, 

68,  246,  250 
Reed,    Gilbert    B.,    attorney,  164, 

193 
Reno  County,  Kans.,  118 


Index 


287 


Riley,  Major,  U.S.A.,  33 

Rio  Grande  &  El  Paso  R.R.,  234 

Rio  Grande,  Mexico  '  &  Pacific 
R.R.,  207,  225,  234 

Rio  Grande  River,  23,  205,  211, 
219,  220,  221,  223,  245 

Risley,  H.  A.,  attorney,  164,  193, 
197 

Robinson,  Albert  A.,  railroad 
builder,  85,  139,  150,  153,  154, 
160,  176,  180,  183,  195,  196,  198, 
207,  226,  255,  259,  263,  266 

Robinson,  Chas.,  Governor  of 
Kansas,  51 

Robinson,  J.  P.,  financier,  216 

Rock  Island  R.R.,  84,  209,  257,  264 

Rocky  Mountains,  108,  139,  143, 
145,  150,  151,  202,  205 

Rocky  Mountain  News,  180,  185, 
190 

Rogers,  A.  N.,  Colorado  citizen, 
200 

Ross,  E.  G.,  57,  58,  59,  75 

Routt,  Chas.,  Governor  of  Colo- 
rado, 165 

Royal  Gorge  (identical  with  Grand 
Canon  of  the  Arkansas),  157, 
168,  169,  180,  194,  195,  199 

Russia,  113,  115,  116,  117,  118, 119, 
129 

SafFord,  Jacob,  Topeka  citizen,  58, 

70 
Sage,  Russel,  financier,  198 
Salcedo,  Spanish  Governor,  24 
Salina,  Kans.,  202 
San  Antonio,  Texas,  25 
San  Bernardino,  Cal.,  240,  241 
San    Diego,    Cal.,    139,    213,    242, 

243 
San  Francisco,  Cal.,  210,  212,  213, 

214,  221,  222,  223,  237,  239,  242, 

243 
San   Francisco   &  Colorado   River 

Ry.  Co.,  213 
Santa  Anna,  Mexican  dictator,  44 
Santa  Fe,  N.   M.,   19,  21,  24,  26, 

29,  32,  33,  36,  38,  40,  41,  42,  43, 

44,  47,  53,  54,  75,  79,  145,  149, 

152,  204,  205,  248 
Santa  Fe  R.R.  Co.  Land  Depart- 
ment,   109,    117,    124,    127,    134, 

135,  136,  137,  140 


Santa  Fe  R.R.  Co,  Land  Grant, 
107,  108,  109,  110 

Santa  Fe  Trail,  18,  20,  22,  25,  28, 
31,  37,  45,  46,  48,  50,  54,  68,  77, 
85,  141,  151,  204 

Schlesinger,  S.  B.,  financier,  185 

Schmidt,  Carl  B.,  railroad  immi- 
gration agent,  117,  121,  123,  129, 
130,  131,  132,  133 

Schurz,  Carl,  Secretary  of  the  In- 
terior,  167 

Sealy,  George,  railroad  promoter 
*  and  financier,  249 

Sedgwick  County,  Kans.,  118 

Seligman,  Joseph,  financier,  216 

Shawnee  County,  Kans.,  65,  69, 
72,   73,   80 

Shumway,  P.  B.,  railroad  pro- 
moter, 260 

Sibley  Bridge,  265,  268 

Sibley  Bridge  Co.,  263,  267 

Sibley,  Major,  U.S.A.,  31 

Simons,  Menno,  religious  leader, 
114 

Sonora  Ry.  Co.,  224,  226 

Sonora,  State  of,  224,  234 

South  Pacific  R.R.  Co.,  211 

Southern  Kansas  Gazette,  231 

Southern  Kansas  R.R.,  67,  229, 
230,  231,  234,  235,  236,  245,  247, 
250,  266 

Southern  Pacific  R.R.,  17,  66,  148, 
149,  206,  207,  210,  211,  213,  222, 
223,  224,  225,  226,  237,  238,  239, 
241,  243 

Speare,  Alden,  financier,  185 

Speareville,  Kans.,  108 

Spivey,  R.  M.,  Santa  Fe  R.R. 
land  appraiser,  111,  112 

Springfield,   111.,  260 

St.  Joseph,  Mo.,  142,  143,  270 

St.  Joseph  &  Topeka  R.R.  Co.,  55 

St.  Louis,  Mo.,  27,  32,  77,  79,  164, 
169,  211,  212,  214,  216,  260, 
270 

St.  Louis,  Kansas  City  &  Colorado 
R.R.  Co.,  270 

St.  Louis  &  San  Francisco  R.R. 
Co.,  208,  209,  216,  217,  218,  221, 
222,  236,  237,  238,  251 

Streator,  111.,  260,  261 

Stringfellow,  B.  F.,  Kansas  citi- 
zen, 60 


288 


Index 


Stringfellow,  J.  H.,  Santa  Fe 
R.R.  Co.  incorporator,  58 

Strong,  W.  B.,  Atchison,  Topeka 
&  Santa  Fe  R.R.  Co.  executive, 
139,  145,  146,  148,  149,  151,  153, 
154,  158,  159,  160,  163,  170,  173, 
175,  177,  178,  181,  183,  188,  195, 
199,  203,  206,  222,  223,  224,  225, 
226,  235,  238,  243,  244,  251,  252, 
255,  256,  258,  259,  263,  270 

Sutton,  M.  W.,  Dodge  City  law- 
yer, 88,  104 

Switzerland,  114,  133 

Taos,  N.  M.,  27 

Teller,    Willard,    Colorado    attor- 
ney, 164,  189,  192,  193 
Texas,  17,  19,  25,  42,  44,  108,  151, 
211,  213,  234,  245,  247,  248,  249, 
251 
Texas  &  Pacific  R.R.,  213,  222 
Texas  Panhandle,  88,  89,  246 
Todleben,     General,     of     Russian 

Army,  119,  120,  130 
Topeka,  Kans.,  51,  52,  53,  54,  56, 
57,  58,  59,  62,  69,  73,  75,  76,  77, 
86,  111,  117,  142,  194,  263 
Topeka  State  Record,  58,  72,  83 
Topeka  Weekly  Leader,  70 
Touzalin,  A.  E.,  Ill,  112,  113,  117, 

126,  127 
Trinidad,  Colo.,  140,  151,  152,  153, 
154,  163,  170,  176,  191 

Union  Pacific  R.R.,  66,  67,  88,  89, 

177,  214 
Utah,  44 

de  Vaca,  Cabeca,  Spanish  ex- 
plorer, 19 

de  Vargas,  Don  Diego,  Spanish 
general,  21 


Vigilantes  of  Dodge  City,  97,  98 
Vinita,  Okla.,  216,  218,  222,  224 

Wabash  R.R.,  264,  267,  270 

Waite,  Chief  Justice  of  U.  S.  Su- 
preme Court,  184 

Wakarusa,  Kans.,  77,  78,  79 

Wallace,   John   F.,    civil  engineer, 
266 

Walnut  Valley,  Kans.,  144,  231 

Warkentin,     Bernard,     Mennonite 
leader,  123,  134 

Waters,  Moses,  Dodge  City  char- 
acter, 92 

Webster,  A.  B.,  Dodge  City  char* 
acter,  92 

Weitbrec,  R.  F.,  D.  &  R.  G.  R.R. 
official 

Wellington,  Kans.,  228,  229,  231 

Wellington  &  Western  R.R.,  228 

Wells,  Smith  &  Macon,  Denver  law 
firm,  164,  193 

Western  Pacific  R.R.,  66 

Westport,  Mo.,  45 

Wichita,    Kans.,    82,    84,    85,    216, 
217,  218,  228,  236 

Wichita  &  Southwestern  R.R.,  228 

Wichita  &  Western  R.R.,  236 

Wiebe,    Jacob,    Mennonite    leader, 
118,  122,  123,  124 

Williams,    Norman,    Chicago    law- 
yer, 268 

Wilson  County,  Kans.,  92 

Winfield,  Kans.,  228,  245 

Winslow,  E.  F.,  financier,  219 

Wisconsin,  128,  146 

Woolton,  Dick,  frontiersman,  153, 
154 

Wright,   C.   W.,  Colorado  lawyer, 
180,  181,  189,  190 

Wright,   R.   M.,   Dodge  City  citi- 
zen, 88,  101 

Wyandotte,  52,  54,  60 


Stnta  Ft  Through  Line* 


Double  Trick       M  o  ■ 
31 A P    OF    THE    PB 


Inet  Vniiar  Construction 
VNTA    FE    SYSTEM 


